The fall of Mobutu

 

The war that ended the Mobutu’s dictatorship of more then three decades was a result due to both internal and external factors. In sum, according to Congolese, it was a war of foreigners. It all start when the new Rwandese regime under the leadership of Paul Kagame, now the vice president decided to retaliate against the extremist hutus who took refuge in the region of Kivu, north west of Congo Kinshasa. The hutus refugees were at that time, from 1994-1996 over a million. Hutus from Rwanda in collaboration with local hutus of Kivu had build up a local mini empire. And Soldiers of ex-Force Armee Rwandaises, genociders utilized this region as the basement and lanced attacks toward Kigali. In order to react to such dangerous situation, Kigali organized a vast and deadly military operation of “cleaning”. According to le monde diplomatique of Juliet 1998, more than half of hutus want back to Rwanda (about 700 000) and other 200 000 have died. But Paul Kagame did not stop here, the local Banyamulenges begun their revolt against the regime of Mobutu Ses Seko.  

Therefore, we can claim that the war, which overthrown Mobutu started in October 1996, and triggered by Banyamulenges of Kivu-Sud Province. The issue of Banyamulenge is a complicate one; in fact this is also one predominant cause of current Congolese civil war. Consequently it is necessary for us to explore the historical heritage left by Belgian imperialism.

To make this introduction shorter, rwandophones or Banyamulenges in French is also called Banyarwanda in English. Since these people are considered in Congo itself as Banyamulenges most customarily, hence, I will mention this group as such in respect to the tradition of Congo-Kinshasa. Certain African specialists argue that it is a constitution of hutus and tutsis, and other are considering them only as tutsis Congolese. Because the lack of information, I will in the paper consider Banyamulenges as hutus and tutsis Rwandan descendent. The history of these Banyamulenges starts in the late 20’s, Belgian colonial authority imported labor Rwandan into the plantation of Kivu and the mines in Katanga. The purposes were: I) high demographic rates in the high plan of Rwanda, which was overpopulated, and II) to have easy controlled labor because expatiated.  This new group was composed hutus as well as tutsis. With the other Rwanda population who were immigrates here before colonial era, the rwandophones became a important ethnic composition of this region. Earlier before the independence, all of the rwandophones know now as Banyamulenges received the Congolese nationality. Yet, during the Congolese civil war of 1960-1965, the native tribes were in conflict with Banyamulenges for issues over tribe land. As most natives choose to be in the side of rebellion against Mobutu, and Banyamulenges were pro-Mobutu. Later on, one of them became even the chief of Mobutu’s presidential cabinet, Banyamulenges profited this situation and grained more land in their favor in both North and South Kivu, and with the natives of Kivu, the dilemma was getting even deeper. Of cause regardless tutsis or hutus, they were unitary because of external natives’ aggression, and the natives could never forgive Banyamulenges for what they have done. Although this group participated in the general election at independence, its Congolese nationality has always been disputed. Its members often clash with indigenous Congolese, mostly in Kivu province. Even the Sovereign National Conference (CNS), held in 1991-2, failed to resolve the citizenship of this minority. It is this issue that lies at the center of the second rebellion; when seen in this light, it represents a violent way of settling the citizenship issue. At the meantime, Mobutu had changed his mind, a new law over citizenship had been created, and over night the Banyamulenges became countryless.

Although Banyamulenges obtain Congolese citizen during the time of pre-independence and participated in the general election at moment of independence, its Congolese nationality has always been disputed. Clash with indigenous Congolese, mostly in Kivu province is not the only cause, even the Sovereign National Conference (CNS), held in 1991-2, failed to resolve the citizenship of this minority. It is this issue that lies at the center of the second rebellion; when seen in this light, it represents a violent way of settling the citizenship issue.

The origin of Banyamulenges’ rebellion against Mobutu’s regime was based on a foreign factor from neighboring country Rwanda. It all start in April 1994, when shortly after concluding peace negotiations with the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) that called for UN peacekeeping forces to be stationed in Rwanda, President Habyarimana and Burundi’s President Cyprien Ntaryamira both hutu president were killed when their plane was shot down near Kigali by a rocket. Both hutu and tutsi extremists accused to each other for the responsibility of shouting, yet few weeks later the Belgian and French presses reported that the rocket was produced in France and it was lunched by some Belgian paratroopers from a Jeep near the airport. Until now we still don’t know who is the guilty one. But over the next few months, it is estimated that between 500,000 and 1 million Rwandans tutsi were massacred. The RPF army based from Uganda who are mostly composed by the second generation of tutsi refugee pushed toward Kigali, in June RPF mounted a successful final assault and captured Kigali. After capturing the capital of Kigali, RPF troops began to drive the Force armees Rwandaises and Hutu civilians northwest, toward the Rwanda-Zaire border. Retaliatory violence by Tutsi claimed several thousand lives. Throughout 1996 more than 1 million Rwandan refugees, most of them hutu, were in camps in Zaire. At this moment, Banyamulenge rebelled against Kinshasa, because in the region of Kivu they were attack by both FAZ (Force Armees Zairoises) and hutus. This was during  the month of September 1996, but what Mobutu did not know was that these Banyamulenges were armed and trained by the new tutsis Rwandan government in preparation for such an attack, retaliated and, reinforced by Rwandan tutsis, successfully fought off the Zairian army in October. This therefore revealed that camps contained armed hutu militias. These hutu, likely the same who led or participated in the 1994 massacres of tutsi, used the huge refugee camps as places of refuge while they organized raids into Rwanda with the goal of overthrowing the RPF government. The hutu refugees remained in the camps either out of fear of tutsi retribution in Rwanda or because they were held against their will by the militias. The militias clashed with the largely tutsi eastern Zairian rebels around Lake Kivu, often very close to the border between Rwanda and Zaire. The hutu militias were aided by the Zairian government, the tutsi rebels in Zaire by the Rwandan government. Cross-border artillery shelling was reported near Gisenyi, north of Lake Kivu. By late October the resistance had been organized into the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), led by Laurent Désiré Kabila.

The coalition of ADFL that under the leadership of Kabila was getting in terms of military equipment, human resource and financial assistance from different partners, in order to make the issue simple I classified those partners into two categories. Congolese (internal) and foreign powerhouses (external). In the Congolese side, beside of Banyamulenges they were composed of old anti-Mobutu military movements, some had fought Mobutu for thirty years. Ironically, the same forces, which conducted Kabila to the power, now after an incredible side changing of alliance, become the main protagonists against Kabila.  The former coalition of ADFL is composed by:

 

1.      Parti de la Revolution Populaire (PRP) formed by Kabila himself in 1967.

2.      Alliance Democratique du Peuples (ADP) of Deogratia Bugera.

3.      Movement Revolutionaire pour la Liberation de Zaire (MLRZ) of Masasu Nindanga.

4.      Conseil National de Resistance pour la Democratique (CNRD) of Abdre Kisase Ngandu (killed in the war).

5.      Font de Liberation National du Congo (FLNC) of Nathaniel Bumba and Delphin Mulanda, both veterans of Shaba I and II in 1977 and 78.

6.      Etienne Tshisekedi

7.      Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie (RCD) of Ernest Wamba dia Wamba

 

At the means time, the ADFL was backed by at least five neighboring countries. The reason was because governments of Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, and Zambia had long been hostile to Mobutu because of the Zairian leader’s support for various rebel groups in their countries, for instance UNITA rebels in Angola was longtime supported by Mobutu. Nevertheless, the most important foreign powers are Angola, Rwanda and Uganda.

Why Kabila as the leadership, and not the other anti-Mobutists’ leaders? In my own assumption, it is because the long time friendship between Laurent Kabila and the new leaders of Rwandan Paul Kagame, president of Uganda Yoweri Moseveni and Zimbabwean president Mugabe. Because this close ties, they have had this mutual trust, at the meantime it is very likely that each one of them have had a personal plan. However, it is not an exclusion to think that in the side of Kabila, in exchange of military support, he did make certain promises toward these leaders including concession over land and nature reserves. Yet, it is only rumors and no confirmation and evidence have being demonstrated publicly so far. Now let examine the interest for Angola, Uganda, Rwanda and Zimbabwe to back Kabila, plus the particular case of Burundi.

 

Angola:

 

Angola's intervention was not surprising as it had vital interests at stake. UNITA under the leadership of Savimbi was using Zairian territory to help finance its operations. Importing weapons and exporting diamonds. And Zaire under Mobutu was the principal regional supporter for UNITA. The reason for Angola to Back Kabila is to stop this trade and to cut all possible retirement for UNITA.

 

Uganda:

In interest of Kampala, two Ugandan rebel groups have to be eliminated. The Ugandan rebel of ADF (Alliance of Democratic Force) a multiethnic guerrilla based upon Islam fundamentalism, operate military attack in the forests between two countries. Its survive is graced by the regime of Khartoum, because Sudan accuse Museveni to support Christian rebels located in the south Sudan. And Lord's Resistance Army, a Christian fundamentalist rebel faction led by a former faith healer are also located in the north of Kivu. In addition it is to organize common military operation with Kagame’s military adventure.

 

Rwanda:

According to African right, a humanitarian organization based in London, they are between thirty and forty thousand militia interhamwes and members of ex-FAR engaged against Kigali government presently. In a declaration made by the vice president of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, the problem of hutu rebels is the main cause, his country intervene in DRC only to secure its boundaries.

(The common interest for Uganda and Rwanda is to exterminate the rebels located in the region of north Kivu.)

 

Zimbabwe:

In 12/4/1997 Zimbabwe press announced that Harare is supporting Congolese rebels since months with equipment and soldiers. For what reason, the only reason I know so far is the friendship between Zimbabwean president with Kabila and his personal economic property in the Congolese diamond mines.

 

Burundi:

The problem in Burundi is similar to Rwanda, except that in Burundi the army is always since the time of independence under control of tutsis, and victims of ethnic massacre are the hutu Burundians. President Boyoya‘s army intervenes in the south region of DRC to attack the hutu rebels. They are FDD (forces de Defense de la Democratie), and Palipehutu (Parti pour la Liberation du Peuple Hutu). Yet, the forces of Buyoya retire rapidly after each operation. Mainly, it is because the internal insecurity.

 

The victory of ADFL was a fast one, especially for a country with a size like Congo, the second largest nation in Africa just after Sudan. From the fall of Bukavu in October 1996 to the fall of Kinshasa in May 1997, lot things had mysteriously occurred. Secret negotiations followed by the declaration of western democracies, which leads to the abandonment of Mobutu. Declared or secret military engagement by Zaire’s bordered nations, and no African mercenaries. Way countries such as China or Israel, which had a close tie with Mobutu, had to deny publicly through UN the participation of mercenaries of their nationalities? My examination of Zairian civil war conducts myself to questioning how could possibly few days before the capture of Kinshasa, Mobutu could find an emergency exist and brought with him, the last currency reserve in the Central Bank? Could it not a possibility that it was an agreement between Mobutu and Kabila made in South Africa. After all it is always being considered no matter which culture, to let the opponent leader take exile as a wise choice.

Despite of all these questions, which seem revisionist, there are really few important factors that could explain the obvious failure of existence of Mobutu’s regime. The fall of Mobutu was a consequence of four main factors:

 

I.                    The end of the cold war was followed by an increasing demand for democratization on the African continent.

II.                 Mobutu’s ill health, the near collapse of his regime and the disintegration of its armed forces (FAZ).

III.               The disarray within the camp of Mobutu’s western backers, their inability of to put a coerant saving plan as were the case in 1977 and 1978.

IV.              Finally the ultimate cause would be the new geo-political balance in the region of Grand Lake.

            In1991 Mobutu bowed to popular pressure and accepted the idea of a national conference. Although the conference came up with new democratic prescriptions for the state, it failed in its primary mission to arrange a peaceful transition to democracy. A generalized crisis in the Great Lakes region followed soon after and the genocide in Rwanda speeded the downfall of Mobutu. Consequently, the immediate cause of the downfall of Mobutu is external. At the same time, this is also the primary cause for the new rebellion of August 2, 1998. The causes are to change the political landscape in the new DRC; Ugandan Burundian and Rwandan’s border security concerns; and African powers' obsession with DRC resources. These interventions have exposed the new DRC's internal problems. More alarmingly is the fact that since the first rebellion, the interest of Rwanda and Uganda as well as Kabila's allies – Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia – in the DRC has grown from security concerns only to economic interests as well.

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