Contents
Geo-cultural
Settings
Who
the Oromo People Are
Oromo Political Culture
Oromo's Wide Outreach
and Vast Resources
Genocide
Initiated by War of Conquest Continued Under Different Forms
Conquest
by Menelik of Abyssinia
Modernization of
Institutions of Violence Under Haile Selassie Regime
Totalitarian Regimentation
Under the Dergue Regime
Genocide
by the Current Ethiopian Regime
How
TPLF Built Capacity to Commit Genocide
Oromo Self-determination
Mischaracterized to Defend Genocide
State Sponsored
Terror Against Oromo Society
Hunger, Environmental
Degradation, and Disease as Weapons of Genocide
Appeal to
the International Community
Geo-cultural Settings
Who the Oromo People Are
The Oromo people are the largest Kushitic group and the
second largest nation in Africa. Their population is about
33 million. They have a distinct cultural and linguistic
identity of their own. They have inhabited a separate and
well-defined territory in the Horn of Africa for centuries.
As a geo cultural bridge between Europe, Africa and Asia,
the Horn of Africa has always been embroiled in some world
historic events, since the times of the Roman Empire down
through the millennia to the present-day era of globalization.
Its geopolitical significance derives from its position
along the Red Sea, the waterway from the Suez Canal, and,
hence, the Mediterranean Sea, to the Indian Ocean. The region
is also the source of the Blue Nile - a lifeline for Sudan
and Egypt. The Horn remains important in security considerations
of the Middle East and the increasingly competitive global
economy. It controls a passage for a bulk of Middle East
oil - a strategic material crucial for the demands of Europe
and the Far East. The population of the region is significantly
large to serve as a source of cheap labour for investors
and as consumers of industrial products.
The present-day Horn of Africa comprises primarily the
states of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Djibouti, and the
Sudan. Ethiopia was created as an empire-state during the
era of the "scramble for Africa" by the core Abyssinian
state that was founded by the Tigreans and then consolidated
over centuries by the two major Semitic-speaking ethnic
groups of Abyssinia - Amhara and Tigreans.
Oromia, the country of the Oromo people, is 375,000 square
miles (600,000 sq. km). It is larger than France, Italy,
Switzerland, Belgium, and the Netherlands combined. The
people follow three major religions: Christianity, Islam
and Waqeffacha - the indigenous Oromo religion.
Oromo Political Culture
Before the colonial conquest and subjugation by Abyssinia
toward the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Oromo
people had lived under a sophisticated indigenous democratic
system known as Gada - in which political, military and
other leaders including legal experts are elected for non-renewable
eight year terms from among males who excel during five
eight-year long grades of continuous training. That the
Gada democratic culture and other egalitarian Oromo institutions
have endured the last 120 years of continuous acts of cultural
genocide by successive Ethiopian regimes is a remarkable
testimony to the resilience of the Oromo cultural values
and democratic heritage. Professor Asmarom Legessa, a leading
African anthropologist, wrote in his book, Oromo Democracy:
An Indigenous African Political System (Red Sea Press, 2002),
"Oromo democracy is one of those remarkable creations of
the human mind that evolved into a full-fledged system of
government, as a result of five centuries of evolution and
deliberates rational, legislative transformation". (p. 95)
Oromo's Wide Outreach and Vast
Resources
Oromia shares borders with all cultural groups in Ethiopia
and across the internationally recognized boundaries adjacent
to its territory-Sudan in the west, Kenya in the south,
and Somalia in the southeast. Consequently, the cultural
tie and economic interaction that the Oromo people have
with diverse peoples living adjacent to Oromia's huge land-mass
give them a unique opportunity to cultivate peace, social
harmony, and economic interdependence. This geographic position
of the Oromo is highly significant for mutual benefit of
the peoples of the region, as well as for the benefit of
the international community having interest in the region.
Oromia is a "water-tower" of a drought-prone region that
is constantly threatened by desertification. It has 16 major
rivers, including the main tributaries of the Blue Nile,
with a total length of about 4,700 km with approximately
367, 000 sq. km. of catchments area. It has also ten lakes
with a total area of about 2,000 sq km. In fact Oromia has
the potential to provide hydroelectric power to the entire
Horn of Africa. The total energy supply of Ethiopia is generated
by the Oromia river system. In addition, Oromia has geothermal
power resource in the Great Rift Valley section that passes
through the heartland of Oromia. Most significantly, Oromia
has large reserve of gold, platinum, nickel, tantalum, iron,
marble, and other non-metallic and construction minerals.
All the mineral exports of Ethiopia are produced in Oromia.
Oromia has even greater potentials in agricultural development.
Most of the arable land of the entire Horn of Africa is
located in Oromia. Coffee, which generates about 60% of
Ethiopia's foreign exchange earnings, grows mainly in Oromia.
Oromia accounts for about 80% of the total coffee export
of the country. Other major exportable agricultural products
such as hides and skins, pulses and oil seeds are also produced
mainly in Oromia. If properly managed, Oromia can supply
most of agricultural products needed for all the urban population
as well as the people in the arid and drought affected regions
of the Horn. From the estimated 27.2 million cattle population,
about three-quarters of it is found in Oromia.
With a huge landmass, the second largest population in
Africa, long-standing democratic cultural heritage, and
enormous natural resources, the Oromo people hold a pivotal
position in the Horn of Africa. Yet, as a colonized people,
they remain politically marginalized, economically deprived,
and culturally oppressed in the land of their origin. This
paradox is explained next.
Genocide Initiated
by War of Conquest Continued in Different Forms
Conquest by Menelik of Abyssinia
Emperor Menelik II of Abyssinia (1889 - 1913) conquered
and colonized the Oromo and other non-Abyssinian peoples
of present-day Ethiopia toward the last quarter of the nineteenth
century during the era of "scramble for Africa". Menelik
incorporated the territories of the conquered peoples and
transformed the core state of his ancestors into an empire
state, increasing its size by two-thirds. In fact, Menelik
was the only black African partner in the "scramble for
Africa" designed by the European powers in the Berlin Conference
of 1884 5. The three major colonial powers -Britain, France,
and Italy - competed to use Menelik as a client to widen
their spheres into the richer and historically impenetrable
prize of the hinterland of Northeast Africa. Menelik sought
and obtained acceptance by European powers as a partner
in the "scramble for Africa". Though they denied their identity
with Africans and black people in general, Abyssinian rulers
gave their empire the name "Ethiopia" to claim legitimacy
based on historical and religious (biblical) antiquity of
that African name.
Menelik accomplished his colonial conquest by heavily
investing in contemporary European weapons in a region where
spear was the common means of combat. He also acquired advisers
skilled in military science from European powers. Millions
of Oromos were exterminated by the war of conquest; millions
were taken away and sold into slavery while hundreds of
thousands perished by war-induced famine. The consequence
of the conquest was genocide. Those who survived the genocide
were subjected to the most dehumanizing form of domination.
Menelik's warlords, "colonial troops" known as "naftanyas",
and the clergy were entitled to personal servitude of the
subject people, and to collect dues often to the tune of
70% of the produce of the subjects who had absolutely no
legal protection for their life and property against the
conquerors. The colonial administration was organized in
a form of decentralized feudal hierarchies subsisting on
levies, slaves, and personal servitude of the conquered
people.
European powers that were Menelik's partners showed little
concern about the genocide perpetrated against the Oromo
and other conquered peoples. The powers were interested
in opening up the region for trade and the Abyssinian emperor
was considered as a partner in "civilizing pagans and barbarians."
Modernization of Institutions
of Violence Under Haile Selassie Regime
Emperor Haile Selassie (1930 - 1974) consolidated Menelik's
empire by introducing modern concepts of building institutions
of violence to maintain the empire. He was aware of an argument
presented by Fascist Italy at the League of Nations to justify
its invasion and occupation of his empire (1936 - 1941)
- Italy's contention was that Ethiopia was not civilized
enough to possess and administer a colony. With all-round
assistance of his foreign partners, the emperor introduced
laws to modernize institutions of violence against the subject
people under his absolute power. A military bureaucracy
and a court system were built to exercise the coercive power
of the state to suppress resistance against the colonial
domination. Oromo resistance in Raya (1928) and Bale (1963-70)
regions were brutally crushed by the armed forces. The Western
Oromo Confederation (1936) failed due to refusal of diplomatic
support by the colonial powers that had their own designs
on the Oromo people. The Macha-Tulama pan Oromo movement
that was established to in the early 1960s to promote Oromo
human rights and development was repressed and many of its
leaders were prosecuted in a kangaroo court that sentenced
them to capital punishment or long years of imprisonment.
Haile Selassie introduced an educational system that served
as an instrument of cultural genocide against the Oromo
and the other non-Abyssinian peoples. His regime intensively
and systematically promoted Abyssinian history, language,
culture, and values to the detriment of the national identity
of the Oromo people. It organized and maintained a strong
intelligence system and one of the strongest military forces
in sub-Sahara Africa, essentially to maintain an iron-grip
over the Oromo and other subjugated peoples of the empire.
In the world then divided into western and eastern blocs,
the western powers were interested in gaining the emperor's
support to contain expansion of communism in Africa. In
return, the powers provided generous financial and technical
support for the emperor's educational and military programs.
Ultimately, however, liberation struggles by the Oromo and
other oppressed peoples, disillusions among the Abyssinian
elite, disaffection by intellectuals in general about the
performance of the empire, particularly poor development
performance compared to those of newly independent African
states, brought the downfall of Haile Selassie and his regime.
Totalitarian Regimentation
Under the Dergue Regime
The Dergue, which was a military junta led by a group of
the Abyssinian inner core, came to power (1974-1991) after
Emperor Haile Selassie's downfall. Because of its dictatorial
nature, most of the intelligentsia and several liberation
movements representing many of the oppressed peoples of
the empire opposed the junta. In order to stay in power
and to save the empire from disintegration by the upheaval,
the junta became a client of the communist bloc. To avert
uprising by peasant farmers, the Dergue regime inaugurated
a fundamental land-reform program and promised to address
the "national question" through a Leninist model. A program
of "national democratic revolution" was introduced and the
principle of national self determination was declared. However,
the Amhara military clique that formed the core of the Dergue
gradually transformed itself into a tightly controlled,
repressive totalitarian party with the support of the Amhara
elite. The party took monopoly of state-power and exercised
absolute control over the empire's political, economic,
and social life.
The Dergue regime, like its predecessor, built and maintained
huge military and security forces. As soon as it consolidated
its power, it began to hunt down and eliminate as "narrow
nationalist bourgeois elements" any Oromo intellectuals
that defended their national rights. The regime also introduced
a heinous scheme called "resettlement." The objective of
the scheme was to settle a large number of armed northerners
on Oromo land to change the demographic composition of the
territory and to suppress the Oromo struggle for self-determination.
In addition to changing the demographic composition of the
area and imposing their views on the local people, the settlers
showed wanton disregard for the ecosystem. The "new settlers"
violated the Oromo people's culture and tradition of high
respect for nature. The sacred obligation the Oromo people
have always had to protect the environment through balanced
use of resources was undermined.
In a similar scheme, the Dergue regime uprooted the indigenous
population of the rural area and moved them into "strategic
hamlets" under a policy of "villagization." This scheme
had a double pronged objective of resource control and surveillance
of liberation forces. However, the armed struggle wedged
by various national liberation forces - including the Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF) - combined with the disintegration
of the Soviet Union that maintained the Dergue in power
for 17 years, ushered in its collapse in 1991.
Genocide by
the Current Ethiopian Regime
How TPLF Built Capacity to Commit
Genocide
The Tigrean People's Liberation Front (TPLF), also known
as Wayyane, was promoted in 1991 by foreign governments,
particularly that of the US, to fill the power vacuum created
by the downfall of the Dergue regime. This led to the replacement
of the Amhara regime by a Tigrean power as was evident to
those familiar with the Ethiopian political landscape. However,
the TPLF needed a transitional period to consolidate its
power. It, therefore, signed a transitional charter in July
1991 that recognized in its Article 2 that "nations, nationalities,
and peoples" in Ethiopia have the right of self-determination
including independence. The charter served mainly as a camouflage
for the TPLF hidden agenda of domination.
Under the pretext of opening the country for world market
as well as under pretensions of democratization, traditional
partners of the Ethiopian empire used the World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to pump huge amount
of money into the coffer of the TPLF. During the first four
years of its rule, the regime received about US$3 billion
in bilateral and multilateral grants. The Paris Club member
countries, co-ordinated by the IMF and the World Bank, have
granted significant debt-cancellations and rescheduling.
The TPLF regime used the multilateral and bilateral assistance
to dismantle Amhara-centric state-apparatus and to replace
it by institutions that are nothing more than appendages
of a tightly controlled party-apparatus of the Tigrean ruling
class. Today, there is no public institution, be it the
military, the judiciary, the civil service, the regulatory
agencies, and financial institutions outside the control
of the TPLF and its surrogate parties. Thus, the regime
cannot claim democratic legitimacy by any standard. Regarding
the situation, Professor Christopher Clapham of University
of Lancaster wrote in a book titled Ethiopian 2000 Elections,
published by Norwegian Institute of Human Rights:
To those accustomed to the uninflected authoritarianism
that has been Ethiopia's fate in the past, it may well
seem remarkable that [the Ethiopian 2000 elections] could
have taken place at all ... . To those accustomed to states
even in Africa, with better established traditions of
electoral democracy, they will fall so far short of the
standard required as to amount to little more than a travesty.
Given its narrow social base - the people of Tigray are
less than 5% of the total population of Ethiopia - the TPLF
has chosen to use brutal force to perpetuate its domination
of the Oromo people by suppressing their demand for self-determination.
Financial and technical assistance provided by international
donors is used to build the capacity of a murderous minority
regime. The institutions of violence built with the assistance
provided by international donors are mobilized to commit
acts of genocide against the Oromo people. The regime has
turned Oromia into a military garrison where training camps
with a total capacity of hundreds of thousands are maintained.
Several thousands of the regular army and air force personnel
are trained and deployed to kill, rape, loot, and terrorize
the people. The regime is using its security forces and
full military capacity to forcibly suppress the Oromo people's
demand for self-determination.
Oromo Self-determination
Mischaracterized to Defend Genocide
The TPLF regime, like its predecessors, has subjected the
Oromo people to genocide by labelling the people's struggle
for self-determination as "banditry, rebellion, secession,
terrorism …etc." Its stratagem has been to dehumanise the
victims of acts of genocide by calling them "bandits, rebels,
secessionists, terrorists" in order to mobilize "institutionalised
violence" against them.
The legitimacy and validity of the Oromo people's right
of self-determination is based on the fact that the people
are under foreign domination. The Oromo people's demand
of self-determination is not a question of secession from
a country with whom they have wilfully integrated. It is
not also a matter of a periphery struggling for decentralization
or devolution of power from a central government. It is
a demand by the Oromo people to restore the sovereignty
taken away from them by the Abyssinian conquest and to freely
determine their own political status. The Oromos are culturally
and linguistically distinct and territorially separate from
the Abyssinians who dominate them. Their demand does not,
therefore, violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of Abyssinia-cum-Ethiopia. The Oromo people have never been
meaningfully represented in the Ethiopian political process.
In fact, there has never been a moment in the political
history of the Ethiopian empire-state when the state possessed
a government representing the "whole people". The population
is never given any opportunity to freely express its political
will.
Furthermore, the Oromo people's demand for self-determination
is not an internal affair of Ethiopia in the same way that,
for instance, the self-determination and independence of
the Finns in 1918 was not an internal affair of Russia.
Similarly, the independence of the three Baltic States of
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania also exemplifies the validity
of the right of national self-determination for a distinct
and oppressed people. By the same token, the liberation
struggle of the Oromo people against successive Ethiopian
regimes cannot be characterized as "an internal civil strife,
a banditry, a terrorism, a civil war". It is a struggle
of people under alien domination - disenfranchised people
struggling for external enfranchisement. The truth is that
a continuous state of war exists between the Oromo people
and their subjugators. In international law, people under
foreign domination are not prohibited from resorting to
armed resistance against a forcible denial of their right
of self-determination. The resistance is a legitimate right
of self-defence. Moreover, article one of resolution 2649(XXV)
of the United Nations General Assembly recognizes the right
of dependent peoples to "use any means at their disposal"
to restore to themselves their legitimate right.
The TPLF regime constantly fabricates false accusations
to criminalize and demonise Oromo political Organizations
as a smoke screen to conceal the regime's acts of genocide
against Oromo social and cultural life. An attempt by the
regime to link the Oromo liberation movement with fundamentalism
and international terrorism is a fabrication to discredit
and forcibly suppress the Oromo people's legitimate right
of self-determination. In actual fact, the liberation struggle
of the Oromo people is not directed against innocent people
but against the regime's machinery of domination. The protracted
armed resistance under the leadership of the Oromo Liberation
Front (OLF) is an act of self-defence against successive
Ethiopian governments, including the current regime, that
have forcibly denied their right of self-determination.
State Sponsored Terror Against
the Oromo Society
Reports by credible human rights groups, including International
Commission of Jurists, Amnesty International, and Human
Rights Watch/Africa, confirm that there are grave violations
of human rights of the Oromo people by the TPLF regime.
Extra-judicial killings, "disappearances", illegal arrests,
torture, gang rape, confiscation of property, detention
for a long period are systematically and pervasively committed
against the Oromo society. According to a statement made
on May 22, 2002 by Saman Zin-Zarifi, Academic Freedom Director
for Human Rights Watch: "Both the state government and federal
police and the military have a history of repression and
abuse, targeted mainly at Oromo intellectuals and community
leaders who are viewed as sympathetic to the OLF." According
to a report by Oromia Support Group (OSG), a human rights
organisation based in the United Kingdom:
OSG has, as of December 2002, reported 3,085 (three thousand
and eighty five) extra-judicial killings of Oromo civilians
and 857 (eight hundred and fifty seven) disappearances
since the TPLF came to power. Furthermore, scores of thousands
of civilians have been imprisoned. Torture and rape of
prisoners is a common place, especially in secrete detention
centres, whose existence is denied by the government.
The counting continues.
A conference organized by International Association of
Genocide Scholars at the National University of Ireland
in Galway from June 7 -10, 2003 had a panel on genocide
in Ethiopia. The conference was well attended and well represented
by scholars from different continents. According to a report
in the Sidama Concern (2003) by one of the panellists:
[T]he ongoing genocide in Ethiopia has remarkable resemblance
with genocides in other parts of the world, especially
the one in Cambodia. The definition, the motives and the
preconditions for genocide are apparently visible in Ethiopia.
It is reiterated that the oppressed national groups faced
brutal atrocities and genocidal policies that resulted
in massive poverty, apartheid-style discrimination, and
neglect, and famine, destruction of environment, violence
and widespread terrorism.
Thousands of Oromo have fled and are fleeing their homeland
to escape state-sponsored terror. The exact number of Oromo
refugees in neighbouring countries is difficult to know
as the refugees do not want to be identified out of fear
for the safety of their family and their own. Many refugees
have been killed or kidnapped by murder-squads organized
by the regime in Djibouti, Kenya, Somalia, and South Africa.
Others have been subjected to forced repatriation, particularly
by Djibouti.
Through provocation and fabrication of false accusations
the regime targets Oromo social and cultural life for destruction.
To cite the most recent instance, the TPLF forcibly and
illegally abrogated the use of Finfinne /Addis Ababa/ as
the capital city of Oromia. When, on January 4, 2004, Oromos
in and around the city tried to hold a peaceful demonstration
to protest the eviction of Oromos from their homeland, the
regime used force to prevent the demonstration. Subsequently,
it unleashed war of terror on the Oromo people - including
even on school children - to suppress protest against the
eviction. To date, the regime has unlawfully dismissed 400
(four hundred) Oromo students from the University of Addis
Baba (Finfinne). The regime's security forces killed several
students and thousands of school children and teachers are
languishing in prisons in the Oromo towns of Ambo, Fiche,
Assala, Aqaaqii, Dambi-Dolo and Gimbi for no crime other
than being Oromo. In May this year, 700 (seven hundred)
Oromo school children fled to Kenya out of fear for their
own safety. Oromo scholars and Oromo institutions such as
Macha and Tulama Self-help Association are being persecuted
then and till now.
Hunger, Environmental Degradation,
and Disease as Weapons of Genocide
The recurrent famine in Oromia is a consequence of the
ruling Ethiopian regime's policy of genocide against the
Oromo people. The TPLF regime has been pursuing environmentally
harmful policies in Oromia since it seized power in 1991.
With total disregard for the long-term environmental consequences,
the government has been awarding contracts to investors.
These investors are undertaking unregulated mining and mechanized
farming in ecologically sensitive and vulnerable areas.
The regime has also adopted from its predecessor, the Dergue,
the policy of massive resettlement on Oromo land with wanton
disregard for the ecosystem.
According to a government report, the forest coverage of
Oromia, which was 40 percent about 40 years ago, has diminished
to a mere seven percent at present because of the destruction
of between 60,000 to 100,000 hectares of forests every year.
The report indicates that this trend, if not checked, would
turn Oromia into a desert in the next 30 years. The government
pursuit of harmful policies of awarding contracts and massive
resettlement of armed northerners on Oromo land without
proper protection of the environment is destroying the eco-system
and degrading the natural resources of Oromia.
Death caused by starvation and malnutrition is very common
among the Oromo society, particularly children, during the
recurrent drought. Oromo pastoralists like the Karrayyu
in the east and the Borana in southern Oromia are frequently
devastated by the severe drought that destroys their livelihoods
by killing their cattle. It has been confirmed by a reliable
study that, out of the internationally donated food-aid
for Ethiopia, only 22% gets to the needy people. Because
of TPLF's practice of using food-aid as a political instrument,
there is a discrimination against the starving Oromo society
in the distribution of the food-aid.
The government is also pursuing discriminatory development
policies. Oromia, with a population of about 33 million,
produces more than 65% percent of Ethiopian government revenues;
but its allocated per capita budget is $50 for 2002/3 fiscal
year. Tigray has less than four million people; its per
capita budget for the same year is $161. According to a
publication of Ethiopian Economic Associations (Degefe and
Nega 2000), per capita capital investment in Oromia region
in 1999/2000 fiscal year was estimated at 1.43% compared
to 12.65% for Tigray.
The most devastating disaster the Oromo people are facing
is the deadly disease, AIDS. According to a report dated
September 30, 2002, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
puts Ethiopia among five countries where the rates of infection
from the AIDS virus are rising so fast that they pose potential
security threats to their regions and to the United States.
The bulk of the victims are obviously Oromos. Other killer
diseases such as tuberculoses and malaria are attacking
the population and spreading ever wider without any serious
effort being taken by the regime to control them.
Appeal to the International
Community
Respect and promotion of rights recognized by the "international
bills of rights" is the duty and obligation of the international
community. The right of peoples to self-determination is
one of those basic human rights recognized by the international
bills. Securing respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms is not any longer an exclusive internal affair
of a state. It is a sad reality that the international community
has failed to take any meaningful action to discharge its
international duty and moral obligation to remedy the transgressions
of the TPLF regime against the Oromo people by taking appropriate
measures, such as:
- protesting violations of human rights of Oromo individuals;
- supporting the right of self-determination of the Oromo
people;
- intervention on grounds of humanitarian imperatives
to save the Oromo people from destruction by natural and
man-made disasters;
- intervention to investigate and prevent acts of genocide
by the Ethiopian regime against the Oromo people;
- taking international peacemaking initiative to resolve
the conflict;
bilateral or multilateral exercise of economic leverage
to enforce respect for individual and collective rights
of the Oromo people.
Regrettably, there is a marked trend among international
players in Ethiopian politics to use the available mechanisms
of intervention to negatively impact the cause of just and
lasting peace in the region. International donors are aiding
and abetting acts of genocide against the Oromo people by
providing the culprit with logistic and technical supports.
The genocide the Ethiopian regime is committing against
the Oromo people by attritions is bound to lead to more
political instability, economic disaster and humanitarian
tragedy in the Horn of Africa. It is time for the international
community to call by its real name the genocide against
the Oromo people. The Oromo people appeal to the international
community to:
- use their economic, political, and diplomatic clout
to immediately stop the acts of genocide against the Oromo
people;
- support UN special investigation of the crime of genocide
being committed against the people;
- oppose forcible denial of the Oromo people's right of
self-determination;
- support a peacemaking initiative under the auspices
of the UN to study and recommend mechanisms for terminating
subjugation of the people; " support the release of Oromo
political prisoners;
- refrain from assisting and co-operating with the TPLF
regime's plunder and destruction of the natural resources
of Oromia; " provide the Oromo people international assistance
to develop their human resources and democratic institutions;
- support attaching, in any international assistance to
the regime, conditionality of respect for human rights
and fair allocation.
