From Ethnic to Cultural and Linguistic Genocide: From Political Repression to Environmental Genocide: The Interconnections 

(By Professor Hamdessa Tusso)

Dominance, Power, and Political Behavior

Dominance is a social phenomenon that evolves when two or more human groups relate to each other or are bound together on unequal relationship relative to power (economically, politically, culturally, and linguistically) [1].  Dominance can occur on the basis of gender, class, and ethnic origin.  Dominance that is based on ethnic group interrelations has nothing to do with color or population number.  The most significant factor in dominance is power [2].  Power is the ability to influence events in one’s favor, thus depriving the other party (ies) the ability to compete [3].

The form of dominance that is based on ethnic interrelations becomes very critical in terms of human costs and the damage to the resources due to the fact that dominant groups mobilize state resources as well as the populace sentiments against the subordinate populations.  In contemporary global order, there is an emerging pattern where the dominant groups are able to mobilize the sentiments of the international community [4].  The case of the Ethiopian Empire fits into this category.  In many cases, the fear that an established state may collapse as the result of an ongoing social conflict has compelled some within the international system to uncritically support the tyrants of dominant ethnic groups.  In my view, Meles Zenawi is a beneficiary of such callus political calculations by the masters of the contemporary global order.

The political behavior of dominant groups towards subordinate populations

How do the dominant groups treat the subordinate populations?  Scholars have studied this social phenomenon for sometime.  Two prominent sociologists, Simpson and Yinger have developed the following six distinct typologies relative to the treatments of the subordinate populations. They are (1) assimilation; (2) population transfer; (3) extermination; (4) continued subjugation; (5) legal protection; and (6) pluralism.  In many cases dominant groups use a combination of these [5].  For example, in the United States each of these approaches have been employed against subordinate groups at different points in the history of the American state formation.

The case of the Ethiopian empire

For the Oromo nation and other subordinate nationalities in the Horn of Africa, the 20^th century commenced with a holocaust.  Only Oromos lost about 5 million people (about half their population) during their conquest.  A British historian, Margery Perham, observed that Emperor Menelik II had one dominant policy toward Oromos--for Menelik, there were two categories of Oromos: those whom he could recruit to use them against the majority Oromo population, and those whom he conceived to be fit for massacre [6].  Indeed, to this end, he recruited prominent Oromos such as General Gobana Docci and Fituarari Habte Giorgis.  Then, by massacring as many Oromos as it would take, was able to conquer and subjugate.

Emperor Haile Sellasssie pursued similar policy.  On the one hand he elevated few Oromos to his cabinet and even arranged marriages with his family members.  To the Oromo masses however, his policies were to conduct cultural and linguistic genocide.  His regime introduced evictions of the peasants from their ancestral land.  In my view, it was during this period that a new designation relative to the Oromo emerged in the Abyssinian colonial legacy.  This designation relates to their treatments of the educated Oromos.  Those who supported the system were referred to as “degg Galla” (the good Oromo).  Those who challenged the system were referred to as kiffu Galla (the bad or evil Oromo) [7].

The Dergue repeated the same policies in different forms.  Mengistu Haile Mariam surrounded himself with a few he referred to as comrades while he reintroduced resettlements and forced villagization programs.  The purpose of the resettlements was to control Oromo and other colonized nationalities [8].  The purpose of villagization was to effect the ultimate dispossession of Oromo access to their land and cultural heritage [9].  The process of forced villagization caused incalculable damage to the environment.  Thus, I argue that the current violence against the forests in Oromia as well as other countries of the colonized nations should be viewed in this theoretical and historical context.

Implications

The theoretical frame of reference that I have attempted to explain dominant—subordinate ethnic interrelations has profound implications for the Oromo nation and other subordinate nations in the Ethiopian Empire.  As long as these nations do not garner sufficient power to alter the unequal relationships, abuses will continue in various forms--today, it is the genocide against the environment, tomorrow it will take a different form.  The purpose of struggle for national self-determination is to alter those power relations.  In 1991, upon returning from the "London Peace Conference", I gave a speech entitled, “The Utubba has fallen: Will the Oromo Construct Their Own or Remain A Galtu?” in Minneapolis, Minnesota.  At the time, I knew something about the aspirations of the TPLF leadership; however, l did not know then how exactly the Tigreans were planning to rule the post Dergue Ethiopia, although I had some sense.  Still, I was sure of the issue of power--that unless Oromos develop sufficient power to protect their basic interests, they would remain vulnerable and subject to all forms of abuses.  Well, Now we know that Meles Zenawi excelled all my expectations in this sphere!

The march against environmental genocide: to break the international conspiracy of silence

Professor Ted Vestal of Oklahoma State University, in his recent book entitled, “Ethiopia: A Post Cold War State," argued that there is international conspiracy of silence relative to the policy contradictions in the post Cold War Ethiopia.  He indicated that he wrote the book with the purpose of breaking that silence [10].  I will also argue that the goal of the proposed March at the UN is to break that international conspiracy of silence relative to the crimes against nature and humans perpetrated by the current rulers in Addis Ababa.  The Oromo students who decided to forgo their university education to confront the devouring fire in their beloved country, Oromia, have paved the way.  The magnificent demonstrations in Minneapolis, Washington, D.C., Ottawa, and Oregon and in Seattle have pursued the same path.  I believe the planned demonstration at the UN in New York will elevate the cause of justice to the highest world body.  In my view, all Oromos as well as other oppressed nationalities, and indeed, all other freedom loving communities around the world should support and contribute to this genuine and noble cause. 

In my view, we are entering a new phase in Oromo colonial experience.  This march is coming some twenty years late.  During the 1980’s, the Dergue was the most hated regime in the eyes of the West.  Oromos did not have sufficient preparation to take advantage of the mindset in the West at the time.  Simply stated, we did not have enough Oromo professionals to contribute with us.  I must also state that the Oromo political leadership neither paved the way nor paid sufficient attention to this critical issue.  Needless to say, those who managed to organize their professional segments as well as the grassroots succeeded in selling their points of views (i.e. Eriterans, Tigreans) to the world and in the end, achieved their fundamental goal of liberating their respective peoples from Amhara dominance.  Nevertheless, as the saying goes, better late than never!  Let me also add that the march at the UN will not end the Tigrean dominance and the accompanying human misery.  However, I do hope the new impetus which has been created by the raging fire in Oromia will provide the Oromo a fresh opportunity to rethink, reorganize, and to reformulate relevant strategies so that we can confront the new century with better preparation.

In the Oromo world-view, humans, nature and the divine are interconnected.  Thus, the devouring fire against the wondrous forest of Oromia as well as in other areas is a direct attack on these eternal values.  Dr. Bahiru Gemetchu and those who organized the UN demonstration deserve great credit for the noble efforts they have put forth on this matter.  I also wish to pay a profound respect for those brave students in Ambo who paid the ultimate sacrifice by giving their lives.  I also want to extend my genuine admiration to the courageous Oromo university students who are sacrificing everything for this cause.  Those who conducted commendable demonstrations in Minneapolis, Washington, D.C. Oregon, Ottawa, and in Seattle equally deserve our genuine gratitude and respect.

I wish to conclude this brief essay with the words of Rev. Jesse Jackson: “Never Surrender! Keep Hope Alive!” 

Editor's Note: Dr. Hamdesa Tuso's complete footnotes are omitted from publication for space reasons.  Those interested to receive these footnotes should contact OIN management.