Questions Submitted by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Iraq to the Secretary General of the United Nations during the dialogue session on March 7, 2002.

1- What is your Excellency's view and estimation of what we had reached after seven years and seven months of cooperation with UNSCOM and the IAEA? And how can we build on those results?

2- If one or two permanent members of the Security Council say that they are not certain about the end of disarmament stage, what are the things they want to be certain about, the time necessary for that, the things they are looking for and ways and means to carry this out? It is important that we should be satisfied too, not only the Security Council, in order to cooperate with the Council and continue our cooperation with it. If they have doubts about a particular site or activity, we should know it.

3- How do you explain the case of a Permanent Member of the Security Council which officially and openly calls for invading Iraq and imposing a puppet regime on its people by force, in violation of Security Council resolutions themselves which provides for the respect of Iraq's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, as well as the rules of International Law and the UN Charter, while this Permanent Member of the Security Council demands Iraq to implement these resolutions?

4- Does the Security Council seriously stick to its mandate and the resolutions it adopted, particularly Resolution 687, and to the fair and legal reading of this Resolution? Or will the Security Council give in to the United States own interpretation of the resolutions and its own unilateral decisions on Iraq?

5- How will the relation between Iraq and the Council be normalized under the present declared US policy which aims at invading Iraq and changing its national government by force?

6- The United States has declared once again that economic sanctions on Iraq will remain in place as long as the national government remains in Iraq. What is the attitude of the Security Council towards such a policy which is in violation of relevant Security Council resolutions?

7- What are the guarantees that the United Nations can give to Iraq to avoid overlapping between Iraq – UN relationship and the US hostile objective against Iraq?

8- The principle of concurrence in the implementation of the corresponding obligations under Security Council Resolution is necessary and essential for confidence rebuilding between Iraq and the Security Council. What are your views on the obligations relating to Iraq's rights, in the forefront of which is the lifting of sanctions, respecting Iraq's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and the establishment in the Middle East of a zone free from weapons of mass destruction, which should be implemented to open a new stage of cooperation between Iraq and the United Nations? How can we establish a mechanism that guarantees the concurrent implementation of the obligations of the two sides?

9- Do you think that it is fair to demand the government of Iraq to implement the Security Council resolutions and not addressing the same demand to a permanent Security Council member which has constantly violated these resolutions with regards to Iraq's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and officially announces that its policy will aim at invading the Republic of Iraq and imposing a puppet regime on its people.

10- Is it fair, after the exposure of the espionage acts by UNSCOM and IAEA as admitted by members of UNSCOM, American sources and statements made by permanent members of the Security Council and the UN Secretariat too, to bring into Iraq again inspectors who could be used to spy on Iraq and its leadership and to update data about vital economic facilities to attack them in a coming aggression?

11- Can the United Nations guarantee that those new inspectors are not spies and will not conduct spying tasks?

12- Can the United Nations guarantee the elimination of the two No Fly Zones? Can the United Nations guarantee that the coming inspection formula will not be a prelude to an aggression against Iraq like what happened in 1998? Can the United Nations guarantee that the United States will not commit aggression on Iraq as happened in the past years while inspection operations were being carried out?

13- What is your Excellency's view on the duration of the inspection in order that the inspection commission can conclude, to a degree of certainty, that Iraq has retained no weapons of mass destruction so as to report this fact to the Security Council? What is the method of inspection the UN is thinking of adopting and to what extent it is compatible with the relevant international conventions?

14- How will inspectors from countries that openly and officially seek to threaten Iraq's National Security and attempt to invade it, apply a neutral international mandate in Iraq, respect the provisions of Security Council resolutions and respect their commitment under the UN Charter? The presence of American and British inspectors within UNSCOM and IAEA had helped the United States and Britain gather intelligence and select the targets of their aggression against Iraq. All the sites that were visited by inspection teams were subjected to aggression at the end of 1998, among those sites are presidential sites, although the inspectors had affirmed that these sites were free of weapons of mass destruction. The American and British have also bombed all industrial sites that were subject to the then on-going monitoring plan on the basis of the information given to them by spying inspectors themselves.

15- What is the Secretary-General's view of the UNMOVIC composition? Is it possible to include individuals who had already violated the neutral mandate of the UN and their own duties and disgraced the United Nations by spying on Iraq?

16- What will be the terms of reference for UNMOVIC since what has been mentioned about that in UN documents and statements issued so far is ambiguous? What are the limits of the powers of its chairman? What are the limits of the powers of the college of commissioners? How will the Secretary-General supervise its works? What are the guarantees that the UNMOVIC and its chairman will not abuse their powers? What are the guarantees that UNMOVIC will not violate Iraq's sovereign rights?

17- Dropping 120 thousand tons of explosives, including 800 tons of Depleted Uranium (DU) on Iraq during the 1991 an subsequent aggressions, as well as the comprehensive embargo imposed on Iraq for 12 years now have resulted in almost total destruction of the economic, health, educational and social infrastructure. The UN-imposed Compensation and its high percentage constitute a major obstacle in reconstruction of these facilities. Does the Secretary-General have an idea about how to remedy this situation? And does he intend to dispatch an expert team to Iraq to discuss the costs of reconstruction in a manner that helps the Security Council reconsider the issue of Compensation?

18- The embargo imposed on Iraq and the US and UK military aggressions on it since1991 have resulted in heavy human and material losses. What are the possibilities, within the framework of a comprehensive solution based on justice, to consider compensating Iraq for the heavy and costly human, material, and psychological losses and damages suffered by its people on the same basis established in Security Council's resolutions on Compensation?

19- Iraq has the legitimate right to self –defense in accordance with Article 51 of the UN Charter. However, the Security Council has not complied with its own obligations to respect Iraq's sovereignty, a situation that has encouraged regional and non-regional parties to violate Iraq's national security. How do you see Iraq's right to self-defense and its rights to acquire conventional defensive weapons authorized under International Law and UN Charter?