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1.
‘Therapia', 26 July, 1880
A report of Goschen sent to Granvillle
“...Amongst other questions that ought to be solved, it is the treatment
of the provinces inhabited by the Albanians, a question that should be
considered from both the aspect of general politics and local necessities.
The situation is complicated by the way in which the fate of part of
the inhabitants on the land of Albanians is involved in the pending cessions
of the territory to Montenegro, and the trouble caused among the Albanians
by the proposed cession of the region of Janina and other areas to Greece,
that the Albanians claim to have been inhabited by the people of their
race; and if I have delayed my addressing to your Lordship about the general
question of the future of the Albanian land that would remain to Turkey,
it has been in the hope of finding out some more details dealing with the
agreements on frontier disputes, and so being able to deal with the matter
in all its bearings, concerning both the general policy and the wants of
the mentioned provinces.
The question as to the best mode of dealing with the Albanians in the
Vilayet of Shkodra (Scutari), and particularly of Albanian Catholic tribes,
was partially taken into consideration by the government of her Highness,
on the initiative of Mr Kirby, dealing with the cession of Ulqin (Dulcigno)
to Montenegro.
I think that the accord of administrative reforms of this vilayet,
with higher independence from Turkish control, would make the Albanians
accept this surrender without much resistance.
...Whatever the history of the movement were, I take the courage to
suggest your Lordship, as I have also done earlier, that the Albanian excitement
cannot be passed over as a mere manoeuvre conducted by the Turks to mislead
Europe and evade its will.
Nor can it be denied that the Albanian movement is perfectly natural.
As ancient and distinct a race as any of those surrounding them,
they have seen that the nationality of every one of them has been taken
under protection of different European powers and gratified in their aspirations
to lead an independent life. They have seen Bulgarians fully emancipated
in Bulgaria, and made masters in Eastern Rumelia. They have seen the ardent
desire of Europe to liberate the territory inhabited by the Greeks from
the Turkish rule. They have seen the Slavs in Montenegro protected by the
great Slav Empire of the North with enthusiastic persistence. They have
seen the Eastern question being solved on the principle of nationality,
and the Balkan Peninsula being gradually divided, as it were, among various
races on that principle. Meanwhile, they can see that they themselves do
not receive similar treatment. Their nationality is ignored, and the territory
inhabited by the Albanians in the north is handed over to the Montenegrins,
the protJgJ of Russia, and in the south to Greece, the protJgJ of England
and France.
Territorial exchanges have been proposed, other difficulties arise,
but it is still to the detriment of the Albanians, and the Albanians are
to spread among the Slavs and Greeks without regard to the principle of
nationality.
I am putting the case of the Albanians very roughly, in order
to illustrate the natural character of their resistance to the will of
Europe. This attitude of theirs seems to me neither artificial nor blameworthy.
It is a natural outcome of the general movement in the Balkan Peninsula
...
I am availing myself of the opportunity that has been offered to me
by the discussion of the plan to crush the Albanian resistance by threats,
that they have been seldom, if ever, used under such circumstances, to
point out that, in my judgement, the Albanians do not deserve any special
penal treatment. After all, in their resistance, and deep-rooted objection
to the fact that a number of their countrymen should be handed over to
an alien rule, the Albanians are simply acting on the same principle of
nationality that has recently formed the basis of the treatment of the
Eastern question, and on which basis its further solution will probably
be found.
Analogous considerations lead me to the conclusion that I humbly venture
to submit to your Lordship, that the Albanian nationality is an element
that ought not to be overlooked in any future political combinations. On
the contrary, I believe that it may be utilised with much advantage to
general interests, and accordingly I would be sorry for any partial measures
that might impede the formation of a large Albanian province.
If the creation of such a province now is premature or impossible,
I would certainly abstain from any measures that would make the impossibility
permanent, or would at least cause future difficulties. I would recommend
that the possibility for creation of a united Albanian province should
at least always be kept in view ...
If the foregoing reasoning is correct, your Lordship will be able to
see at once that another advantage may be gained. If a strong Albania should
be established, the pretext for its occupation by a foreign power in case
of the decay of the Ottoman Empire would have weak grounds. A united Albania
would bar the remaining entrances from the north, and the Balkan Peninsula
would remain in the hands and under the sway of the races who now inhabit
it. Otherwise, the Albanians might become an incurable difficulty if troubles
should arise. A population, in great part Muslims, would be a source of
the greatest difficulty to the Slav or Greek countries around it. Only
a European Power would be strong enough to deal with them and restore order.
I consider that by settling the Albanian national question, the possibility
for European intervention in the Balkan Peninsula would be diminished ...
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