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Ruza Petrovic, Marina Blagojevic: The Migration of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosovo and Metohija

II METHODOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY

"I've nothing to say, nothing that you don't know already. I don't know what good this is, do you think that it will help anyone? You're just wasting time and money. Oh well - everyone has to do his job. Let nobody bother us by asking why we're here - we came because we had to!"

(Highly-skilled worker aged 40)

1. THE HYPOTHETICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE RESEARCH

A widely held view in literature is that the existing theoretical and empirical knowledge about migrations is insufficient and that research into this field has been handicapped by the incomplete nature of the theory, frequently descriptive and fettered by the epoch and cultural circumstances (United Nations. The Determinants and Consequences of Population Trends, Volume 1, New York 1973, page 209).

The study of the migration of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosovo and Metohija also comes under the influence of the theory's specific characteristics, but to a lesser extent as a result of its imperfections than because of the fact that these migrations come under the strong influence of the exceptional period in which they are taking place and the highly specific social and political conditions. This factor cannot be sufficiently stressed and will be mentioned again.

All the assessments of these migrations (whether they are those underlining that they are a normal migrational process in the course of development, motivated by economic and social factors, or those which view the pressure and ill-treatment of Serbs and Montenegrins as the chief factors) have in common the fact that they seek their primary driving force in the circumstances prevailing in the province. Consequently, factors of deterrence present in the area of origin, play a dominant role in the migrations. An analysis of the information collected in the study confirms this hypothesis and the third and largest chapter in the book, deals with the circumstances and factors prevailing in Kosovo and Metohija before the migrations.

Because of this, the factors of attraction to the area of destination and other important elements have also been examined. Regardless of the lesser role played by these factors and other relevant circumstances, due attention must be paid to them in order to evaluate their relative importance and this has been done in Chapter V. As well as this, other important elements of the migrations, from the concept to its translation into practice, had to be examined and this will explain how the idea of migration originated and how it was carried out, which is covered in Chapter IV.

a. Departure from the Model of Modern Migrations

The most pronounced differences in migration which have previously taken place in the world can be seen in the course of the last 150 years in the standard migrations from the country to the cities, which have been part and parcel of industrialization in all countries.(*Idem pages 200-205, 209-211.)

This process can be explained by the concentration of capital and the work force, the influence of poles of development on the change of regional structures, the complementary nature of demographic and economic circumstances on the region of origin and destination, the effect of the factors of deterrence and attraction, or of any other theory. In any case, these are specific migration models, linked to industrialization and the development of the economy, a model of modern migrations boosting economic development and consistent with all its basic elements.

Like other countries which are becoming industrialized, Yugoslavia too is facing modern migrations of mounting intensity and importance. Naturally, the Autonomous Province of Kosovo plays a part in this, although it has a smaller migrant population (30%), the smallest urban population (32%) and a number of specific repetitive forms of traditional migration in search of employment. Something else, however, is characteristic of Kosovo and this is the fact that the migrations of Serbs and Montenegrins, which have nothing in common with modern migrations, participate in the overall migrations. In view of their elements and nature, these migrations represent a specific migratory model.

Naturally, it is not possible to present all the differences between modern migrations and the migrations from Kosovo here. It is important, however, to be aware of these differences when further examining the problem and they will be set out as briefly as possible.

Migrants - Modem migrations as a rule are highly selective, because mainly young men and women with above average education and with non-agricultural occupations take part in them. These migrations most frequently involve members of the population with previous migratory experience but with the passing of time they spread to people who are tied to the land and have deep roots in their native region. They are usually launched by individuals, rarely by whole families and virtually never by entire communities.

The characteristic features of the households and their members in our sample have little in common with the characteristic features of migrants from the theoretical model described. The customary selection in terms of age, sex, education and profession does not describe the Serbs and Montenegrins who are leaving the province under pressure. There is, however, total ethnic selectivity in view of the fact that Serbs and Montenegrins, as well as a small number of members of other ethnic groups (with the exception of Albanians), are taking part in this type of migration. A population deeply rooted in Kosovo and Metohija is migrating - over 85% of all the migrants and 83% of the heads of migrant households were born in the province - and only a small number had moved out previously. It is evident that formerly, not necessarily directly before moving, the migrants were visibly integrated in a multinational environment: over 4/10 of the adults either spoke or understand Albanian. The vast majority of them were tied to their birthplace, home and the land they owned. But, nevertheless, they left because the ethnic differences, stronger than the other characteristics of the population, unfailingly encouraged migration. Because of this encouragement, the move was not an individual but a collective one with the family and even other families from the village.

Characteristics of the Areas of Origin and Destination - Viewed as a natural economic environment in which people work and live, neither the area of origin nor that of destination can be neutral in the formation of modern migrations and migrants. Both exert an influence as a result of their characteristics, of which the economic and social appear to be by far the most important, especially since they stimulate factors of attraction and deterrence in the population. In simple terms, in modern migrations, the area of origin identifies with the country, backwardness, limited opportunities, as opposed to the area of destination which, as a rule, is an urban one with all the advantages this offers - employment, education and a higher living standard. In this type of pattern, the bulk of the emigration is formed in inverse proportion to the economic and social development of the area and its degree of urbanization.

This rule, however, does not seem to apply to the migrations dealt with here. The fact is that Serbs and Montenegrins are moving out of communes with high national incomes, a higher employment rate and a high degree of urbanization (Pristina, Titova Mitrovica, Pec and other areas), just as they are moving from communes with precisely the opposite characteristics (Bitina, Kosovska Kamenica, Podujevo and so on). They are not only emigrating from remote and backward villages but from towns on main routes which are rapidly being modernized. Therefore, the economic, social and collective characteristics of the commune have no influence on these migrations. What does influence them is the ethnic characteristics of the commune and the migrant's place of origin. Among these characteristics we must stress the large numbers and contribution of the Serbian and Montenegrin population and their tendency to hold their ground, which is in inverse ratio to the migrations.

Push and Pull Factors - If we accept the proposition that these factors work in pairs, for example unemployment will act as a push factor and the chance of employment as a pull factor, then the factors in modern migrations can be reduced to three large groups. In the first place, these are important economic factors which, as a rule, function in connection with economic development; then sociocultural factors which are influenced by education, health and other changes on the social plane and also cultural, ethnic, religious and similar specific 'features of society; and finally factors which also alleviate the broad migratory process, such as information and communications, transport and so on. (* Idem)

These factors and the influence they have on modern migrations particularly underline various variants of the theory of regional development and those which rest on the complementary nature of demographic and economic conditions taken into consideration when preparing the study.

In situations in which economic development creates a change in regional living and working conditions, the influence of the relevant economic and social factors on the population's mobility and migration is naturally indisputable. From this precept we embarked on our study of the migrations from Kosovo and Metohija but also with the supplementary hypothesis regarding the effect exercised by specific factors. After processing the information, it was seen that among the overall reasons for moving, given by the respondents, economic motives, namely unemployment, amounted to 15%. Social motives included those related to children and accounted for a somewhat large 19%. However, parents who give concern for their children as one of the reasons for moving are not leaving the province in anticipation of a brighter future for them but rather out of necessity, in order to protect them from harm.

The other reasons for leaving the province, as the survey showed, are of a similar non-economic nature. They are related to insecurity, fear, intolerance, pressure, physical threats and so on which, in one way or another, lead to the poisoning of the ethnic atmosphere. It is possible, therefore, to say without doubt that among the overall factors of deterrence of the Serbian and Montenegrin population from Kosovo and Metohija, those of a non-economic nature prevail over the economic and social ones and this, to a great extent, defines the character of the migrations. As we will see, economic factors do not play a major role in attracting this population to the region of destination - in Serbia.

Effects on the Area of Origin and Destination - One of the most important effects modern migrations have on the area of origin is that they rid the economy of its relative population surpluses which have accumulated over a period of time. The population's shift from agricultural to non-agricultural activities which takes place in the course of development, reduces agrarian overpopulation and establishes new economic-demographic relations, thereby expediting other dynamic and structural changes. Thus, the work force in the area of destination necessary for the expansion of industry and non-agrarian activities is secured;

production becomes diversified and is able to meet the mounting needs for goods and services. The economy, the population, the environment and society are modernized and acquire a more mature industrial-urban quality.

The migrations of Serbs and Montenegrins do not stimulate the described changes in Kosovo and Metohija, partly because the non-agrarian population is moving out and partly because Albanians immediately take possession of the liberated land. In fact, the function of all migrations is to make room for an ethnically selective settlement and the ethnic homogenization of the territory and not to increase the land and the population's productive force. Quantitative economic-demographic relations do not improve because of this but remain at the same level;

their ethnic structure, however, changes. Many of the processes' secondary effects are absent and structural changes in the economy, population and society are slowed down. On the other hand, the Kosovo migrations do not have an optimal effect on the area of destination because the basic preconditions for modern immigration have not been secured here either.

b. The Relative Importance of Economic Factors

The hypothesis (confirmed in the study) that non-economic factors will play a far greater role than economic ones in the Kosovo migrations does not of course diminish the importance of the economic factors As we have already seen, economic factors specifically intervene in virtually all the elements of these migrations but are far from being the only ones, together with the social factors. They have an indisputable influence on the behavior of families and individuals and on decision-making but, in the circumstances in Kosovo and Metohija, are relativized by other factors and considerations. The intensity of their effect changes with time, not only because of genuine changes in the group of factors but because of their perception which can also change although no real changes have taken place. To paraphrase Jovan Cvijic, it can be concluded that the overall circumstances in the Province and the moral and economic situation which they have brought about serves as a raising agent for "economic and psychological migrations" and that it is difficult in individual cases to pin down the "final impulse" which prompted people to leave the land of their birth. "Because just a tree has to be shaken a little to make the ripe fruit fall, so it is with people's feelings about moving". (* Cvijic work, page 41)

The economic factors will be examined (either directly or indirectly) in the following chapters, within the framework of the remaining factors. Because of this, a summary of their other aspects will follow. Special emphasis will be placed on showing the effect economic factors have on the situation and economic position of the emigrants and their families in Kosovo and Metohija prior to moving. Special attention will also be devoted to how the emigrants view the importance of economic factors ex ante through their motives and reasons for moving and ex post in view of the difficulties they have experienced in their new environment. Finally, we will examine how they assess the change from an economic point of view. It is hardly necessary to stress that this combination of different aspects represents an endeavor to give a parallel display of the emigrants' objective economic circumstances and their subjective views of these circumstances and the relevant factors.

The Households' Economic Situation and Position in the sample is defined in terms of the material goods possessed, details regarding the employment and housing situation, as well as factors which might have a positive or negative effect on the decision to move. This group also takes into account personal incomes, that is the households' earnings from agriculture, although it is difficult to get satisfactory answers, not only because of the influence of inflation. On the other hand, unemployment, which always has a negative effect, although with a varying degree of intensity, also determined the households' economic situation.

Real Estate - The vast majority of households in the sample (84%) owned land, a house or an apartment before they moved from the province. This was previously assessed as an important factor attesting to deep roots in the native &oil and is now shown as an important integral part of the economic position. Although the influence real estate has on the economic situation varies because it depends on what the households own and its condition, its economic importance cannot be disputed. To this we add the possession of consumer durables which, in the measure in which they are present, undoubtedly show an improvement in the economic circumstances, the modernization of the household and an acceptable living standard.

The Professional Structure in which blue-collar workers make up 54%, white-collar workers 21%, agricultural workers 14% and pensioners and non-active members 11% also attests to the relatively favorable economic situation of the households in the sample. The large number of mixed agricultural-non-agricultural households previously mentioned only substantiate this assessment. Ties with the country and traditionally family life also improve the economic situation of many households and their position on the market. Moreover, at a time of economic crisis, the flow of produce from the farm and the land has had to support the households' stable economic position and living standard.

Judging from the findings in the survey, the housing situation was not a major reason for moving. Like in other inland parts of the country, the majority of households in Kosovo and Metohija have no housing problems. The standard of housing was not necessarily high, as can be seen when compared to the standard in the new environment. With the passing of time, however, it has improved and, in this context, has had a neutral effect when it did not deter the population from leaving.

Owing to the Lack of Figures on Personal Incomes and revenues from agriculture, it must be born in mind that the average personal incomes in the Province are lower than in any other part of the country. On the other hand, the participation of unskilled and semi-skilled workers (21.1 to 21.8%), skilled and highly-skilled (37.6 to 35.9%) and white-collar workers with post high-school and college education (19.5 to 15.7%) in the sample is greater than in the Province while the participation of employees with lower and high school education is considerably smaller (19.7 to 26.5%). Advantages in terms of the employment rate and the professional and skills structure of the population, which will subsequently migrate, leads to the conclusion that the average level of personal incomes could be somewhat higher than that of the provincial average. Furthermore, the ownership structure of this population suggests that its income from agriculture could be at the same relative level as that of the provincial population's.

Unemployment - If the elements of the economic situation of the migrant households we have mentioned do not speak in favor of moving but are neutral and what is more act as a deterrent, then the high level of unemployment has the opposite effect. Before leaving Kosovo, the sample of 500 households showed 382 cases of unemployment, the majority young, educated people with non-agricultural qualifications. The number of unemployed in the sample was extremely high: for every 100 employed there were 71 unemployed. Young people looked for jobs, regardless of whether or not the household owned land or whether some of its members were employed or not. The impression is that the employment problem is not only a question of earning money and material status but that it is also an important social and human issue for the younger generation and a human right which it has not achieved.

The Attitude to Unemployment - Characteristically, statements from the respondents rate unemployment as an important ex ante and ex post consideration:

- among the reasons for first thinking about moving and then deciding to move, unemployment accounted for 18.2% and 14.7% and ranked third on the list of reasons;

- when moving, finding a job was the greatest concern and accounted for 31.2% of the reasons for the choice of destination;

- among the post-migrational difficulties, unemployment again came third, accounting for 14.2% of all difficulties which occurred immediately after the move and for 31.4% of those which existed at the time the survey was carried out.

It should be stressed, however, that unemployment has not always been the main reason for moving, in view of the fact that non-economic reasons predominated both from a quantitative and qualitative point of view. When asked whether they would move if they got a job, out of 182 unemployed persons 99 or 54% said they would, obviously because of these other reasons. After all, if it were not for the other non-economic reasons, only the younger members and not entire families would move out in search of a job.

While leaving the details for a subsequent analysis, the following observations regarding the importance of economic factors must be made at this point. Firstly, the survey established that out of all the economic reasons for moving unemployment, which is the sole and identifiable reason, stands out. Unemployment is prominent in all phases of the emigration process but its absolute and relative importance varies. Secondly, the survey also establishes that besides unemployment, important economic factors also effect migration. In the overall structure, those of economic importance play a lesser role than non-economic factors. Thirdly, although the survey did not provide a direct answer to the question of to what extent the section of the households interviewed can be considered economic migrants, it can be indirectly assessed that they account for between 15 and 25% of the total migration. This category would include not only households which would not have moved had their unemployed members found employment but those who moved because of job transfers, children's education and other forms of economic or social advancement. This means that from 75 to 85% of the migrations of Serbs and Montenegrins, which were analyzed, from the province were motivated by non-economic factors.

c. Domination and Discrimination

The role played by non-economic factors which mainly stem from the sphere of ethnic relations, lead to the fundamental issue of demographic coexistence, that is the coexistence of ethnic, linguistic, religious or culturally different populations in a common area.

Investigating this phenomenon which, scientifically speaking, has been insufficiently observed, Alfred Sauvy concluded that the causes leading to the creation of demographic duality or plurality differ and established that this complex form can evolve in different directions. In normal conditions, when a population enjoys equality, it is possible, with eventual adjustments to maintain plurality. In other, real or apparently normal conditions, a fusion of the population under differing social and demographic hypotheses may occur. However, when conditions are disturbed, when a relationship of domination prevails, the dominated population is liable to die out as a result of the high mortality rate, boosted by unfavorable socio-economic circumstances, or as a result of the high birth rate of the dominant population which, with its high population growth rate, stifles the dominated. When relations are disturbed voluntary or forced migration can also occur and in extreme instances this can lead to territorial divisions (* Alfred Sauvy, Theorie generale de la population. Volume II Biologie sociale. Presses universitaire de France, 1954 pages 304-322)

From the course of evolution established by Sauvy, the extinction of the dominated populations of Serbs, Montenegrins. Croats, Turks and others can be perceived in Kosovo and in Metohija. The extinction of these populations can be clearly seen from their absolute and relative decrease in the total population of the Province. This is the result of the high birth rate and the natural growth rate of the dominant Albanian population on the one hand and the migration of the dominated population, particularly the Serbian and Montenegrin, on the other.

Our survey has irrefutably established the existence of a relationship of domination in the migrations of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosovo and Metohija, although an explanation for the origin and nature of this relationship must be sought elsewhere. The domination is basically ethnic and political, with strong economic elements, and has been developing since the mid-sixties. It is widely implemented, using an extensive discriminatory practice described in detail in the survey. This practice is not limited to restricting the rights and freedoms of Serbs and Montenegrins, but goes so far as to endanger their property, person, integrity and lives. This type of development is clearly the result of the collapse of the policy of internationality relations and the deep crisis which has affected them. We will concentrate on the forms of discrimination recorded in the survey and return later to the issue of domination, its emergence, causes and evolution.

The basic form of discrimination is informal discrimination practiced by people at the primary social group level. People who discriminate against their neighbor or fellow-countryman, do so on their own behalf or on behalf of their families. Therefore, whether or not the act of discrimination is of material or other benefit is irrelevant.

Thus, for example, it is clear that the ill-treatment of children, damage to crops, fruit or cattle, attacks on people's characters and integrity etc., do not benefit the perpetrator directly or materially, but they probably do give him some sort of satisfaction which would be impossible to understand in normal circumstances. On the other hand, the appropriation of land and pasture land, jumping the job-line etc., directly benefit, and are at the same time a source of satisfaction to the perpetrators. Looking, however, at the effects of the migrations in general, the ultimate end of this discrimination is to appropriate land, buildings and natural wealth, so that in this case, the overall ethnic goal of the "chauvinists" and "separatists" coincides with individual, concrete, economic targets.

For this very reason, townships are a framework for informal acts of discrimination which is practiced "face-to-face" outside institutions and programmed in each separate instance. Spontaneity can be used, towns and villages.

Informal discrimination is spontaneous. This means that it is not guided in a direct and institutional sense, in other words it is not planned and programmed in each separate instance. Spontaneity, can be used, therefore, to refer to the nature of individual acts of discrimination, to the choice of time, place and person which it is aimed at and even to the methods and instruments used but not to the spontaneity of discrimination itself as a global social phenomenon.

This spontaneous informal type of discrimination makes any kind of resistance extremely difficult. Informal discrimination is unexpected and varied in terms of methods and instruments used, it is frequently "invisible" for there are no witnesses. Consequently, it is difficult to place under social control. At the same time, its destructive power is immense, because it is aimed at the everyday life of the individual, at his immediate environment. Here, it seems, its active power as a factor of migration is strongest.

The fact that informal discrimination is spontaneous does not mean that it is not encouraged, stimulated and even directed and organized. Its widespread diffusion in Kosovo and Metohija and further afield in southern Serbia, western Macedonia and eastern Montenegro, the methods used to implement it and its ideological stamp and fanaticism, lead to the conclusion that there must be some regulating force behind it. The widespread discrimination which is "spontaneously" practiced is highly coordinated with acts of institutional and ideological discrimination which are not only tolerated but encouraged.

Institutional discrimination is another type of discrimination within the social and economic institutions. In contrast to informal discrimination, it is expressed at the secondary group level. In the structure of institutional discrimination, the discriminators and the discriminated enter into a relationship, not only as members of different ethnic groups, but as the defenders of defined social roles.

Institutional discrimination does not mean that a formal, normative legitimacy for discrimination exists, although even this is not excluded, for example the ethnic "quotas" prescribed for enrolment in schools, at university or when looking for a job. The essence of this type of discrimination in organizations and institutions is that the discrimination becomes the hidden but real reason for their existence. The importance of the institutions' latent goal and function may be more important than the officially and openly proclaimed goals of the functions for which they were founded and because of which they are maintained. Thus, for instance, discrimination at work can be more important than work itself and economic profit, discrimination in educational institutions can be more important than the quality of education acquired in them, discrimination in the courts - more important than enforcing the law. The substitution of goals, however, not only strengthens discrimination but prevents the institutions and organizations from functioning and pursuing their legitimate social goals.

The existence of discrimination within the institutional framework, makes it possible to institutionalize discrimination as a social relationship as well as institutionalizing a system of domination and social inequity based on discrimination. The institutionalization of discrimination is a process which introduces and spreads discrimination throughout the systems of the institutions and organizations. In practice, therefore, discrimination, although forbidden by law, acquires a specific type of legitimacy and force.

The institutionalization of discrimination is a social process. The more widespread the domination, the stronger the discrimination and the more extensive and powerful it becomes. This process probably begins at the level of institutions and organizations, which play a lesser role in the functioning of the system, for example education, only to culminate in those institutions and organizations which are of vital importance for the system, security, the Judiciary and administration. The process has also boosted the increase in the number and strength of the institutions in the overall bureaucratization of Yugoslav society because it has accelerated the strengthening of institutional discrimination in the Province.

The substitution of legitimate objectives with illegal discriminatory goals has made it possible to establish certain rules of behavior within the institutions and organizations. While these rules of behavior have been operational in achieving the institutions' and organizations' illegal goals, they have obstructed the achievement of their legitimate objectives. These rules prescribe discriminatory behavior toward non-Albanians. Naturally, they can only be adhered to by the discriminators and not by the discriminated. In view of the fact that every organization demands that its members adhere to its rules because this is the condition for being a member of it, the Serbs' and Montenegrins' withdrawal from the League of Communists and the mass enlistment of Albanians in it indirectly confirms the strength of discriminatory rules of behavior. The adherence to these rules (and others similar to them) has even expedited the social promotion of discrimination within the system, rather than sanctions for refusing to adhere to the officially proclaimed rules of behavior in coordination with the officially proclaimed goals.

The third form is ideological discrimination which rationalizes and makes the other forms possible. It lends individual acts of discrimination an importance and overall legitimacy, ideologizing discrimination.

In conclusion it should be added that the concrete forms of discrimination which will be discussed in the following pages, are part of an inter-linked and well-structured system. A discriminatory system achieves an optimal effect and seems to neutralize measures taken against it. This partly answers the question of why, in view of the fact that the problem has been perceived and social