[allAfrica.com] Rethinking the Nigerian Reform Programme This Day (Lagos) OPINION June 23, 2004 Posted to the web June 23, 2004 By John Moru Lagos The National Economic Empowerment Development Strategy (NEEDS) has been seen as a good starting point of the needed reform to kick-start and sort out the systemic injustices that have impoverished more than 70 per cent of the most populous black nation in the world. NEEDS anchors its response on four key strategies: reforming government and institutions, growing the private sector, implementing a social charter, and value re-orientation. It therefore represents an economic reform strategy, an economic response to the problems of Nigeria. However, the recent bloodshed in Jos, Kano and Adamawa states, reminiscent of a country in conflagration, projects a phenomenon, which indicates that the on- going reform project needs a deeper analysis beyond an economic strategy. This is meant to separate the symptoms and manifestations; that high unemployment ratio, and badly run public enterprises, from the underlying causes of poverty in Nigeria. For us this would mean a closer look at the nature and structure of the Nigerian state. The nature of the Nigerian state derives from various experiences of the past such as the colonial experience, the forcible amalgamation of the southern and northern protectorates, the various coup d'tats, 11 in all, between 1960-2004 and the politics derivable (ethnic), the Civil War, and the deep rooted distrust amongst the various ethnic nationalities and the citizen/indigene crises across Nigeria. These experiences in various shades are factors that have shaped and continue to determine the structure and mode of operation of the Nigerian state system. In other words, since independence, Nigeria is faced 44 years after, with the challenge of nation building. The nature of the Nigerian state has implications for its structure. What we know is that the existing structure facilitates favouritism, abhors creativity, and latches on to mediocrity. To this extent, power and political clout determines who gets what, when and how in Nigeria. The structure derivable from the nature of the state has penetrated the education sector such that the Nigerian student would prefer the "settlement culture" rather than the age-long painful route of hard work. The structure of the Nigerian system is such that corruption remains victimless. This is because publicly disgraced government officials find their way into the foray of politics and given government appointments soon after. The structure of the Nigerian state is such that the poor and marginalized are neglected, while monies earmarked for a people-oriented development projects are lodged in both local and foreign accounts or are blatantly mismanaged and misappropriated. This structure is further entrenched as government officials violate public orders with impunity. Put differently, the judiciary is now within the ambience of government and controlled by it. The structure of the state has played a dominant role in the formation of the Nigerian mode of politicking. For the political class, politics connotes access to power (appropriation of state power, particularly its coercive and resource allocating elements). It connotes access to pecks associated with the political appointments, among others. A recurrent decimal of the political process in Nigeria is its ability to overturn the fortunes of a political neophyte. A political appointment in Nigeria is about access to varied opportunities of wealth creation (sharing the national cake). Hence political bickering and brinkmanship (plots, counter- plots, politically motivated killings) have become the order rather than the exception. In other words, the orientation and understanding of the present crop of politicians is not about the people and rendering services to them, but about how to recoup monies spent on electioneering campaigns. What are then the implications of the above crises on the Nigeria's nascent democracy? One implication within this arena of debate is the increasing distrust amongst Nigerians; distrust in the political process, and inadvertently in the democratic project. This distrust is borne out of the lack thereof of an enabling environment for peaceful coexistence of persons in Nigeria. Nigeria to this extent could be termed a failed state. This article therefore raises the following posers: is democracy a system of government that contributes to building a nation (cementing a divided society) or that the principles on which democracy thrives (meaningful and extensive competition, highly inclusive level of political participation, and a level of civil and political liberties) must exist before any debate on democratic consolidation? While comparing the last five (5) years of democratic governance to the aforementioned principles, the conclusion is that the Nigerian democratic project has not contributed meaningfully to a society that is built on a consensus. It has not engendered or promoted good governance, which is about the change in the fortunes of the people. Translated into practical reality, which is about access to the basic necessities of life, food, shelter, and primary health care, about security of life and property, among others. If then good governance is the ability of the state to serve its citizens, enabling the rule of law, and the force of law, not the law of force, if it is about the processes by which various interests are articulated and resources managed, then we can state categorically that the democratic culture that came to bear since 1999, has not been beneficial to the average Nigerian. What then can be done to forestall the gradual disintegration of the country called Nigeria? This leads us again to the principles outlined above. Basing our analysis on them, it is quite apparent that without these existing principles democracy may not thrive at least in Nigeria. Let us attempt at an analysis of these principles against the reality in Nigeria. Political Competition: This condition in a democracy reinforces the belief in organized groups (especially political parties) in the governance project. Another way of stating this is the existence of a viable opposition aiming to provide an alternative to government as highly emphasized in contemporary politics. As Robert Dahl puts it, the presence of an opposition is the "most distinctive characteristic of democracy itself, and its absence as "evidence, if not always conclusive proof, for the absence of democracy". Building the thesis of this article on this, and making comparisons with the existing principles on ground, Nigeria could be said to be undemocratic. This is again a truism because a viable opposition that should give a critical view to some positions and stance of the ruling party in Nigeria is non-existent. For both national and state assemblies, when it comes to critical issues that border on the conditions of the poor and the marginalized there is a silence that is untoward. Political Participation: The second principle is the principle of the selection of leaders through regular and fair elections. While for instance the exclusion of women, social and minority groups are key concerns of Nigerians due to the practice of 'First Past The Post' electoral system, we are more concerned here with the challenge of electioneering campaigns and the monetization of representative democracy in Nigeria. Elections in Nigeria are not about popular vote, but about power relations, patronage and selection. It is about the ability to harass your opponent, threaten his life and that of his family, recruit thugs to cart away electoral materials, and assassinate opponents where possible. In Nigeria at least, it is out of sync within the processes of democratic procedures that an incumbent is voted out of office. So the machinery of state: the police, the electoral commission (both state and federal), tax payers monies are utilized to execute and prosecute the war of elections. All of these are in place because of the nature of the state (rent seeking). The Nigerian state is one of the largest producers of political millionaires the world over. Access to any political office is unavoidably access to various avenues against the normal dictates of a sane society of making money. This existent condition makes Aso rock (the seat of power at the federal level in Nigeria) and the thirty-six (36) state houses to be quite attractive to the present crop of politicians. Civil and Political Liberties: This is about the various freedoms of expression and press, freedom to form and join organizations all of which are necessary to ensure political participation and competition. Juxtaposing the above with the reality of politics in Nigeria, especially with the critical stance of government towards dissenting views, its subtle censorship of both print and electronic media, its redundancy in assenting to the Freedom of Information Bill, one of the most important instruments of curtailing and combating corruption, the Nigerian democratic project in our view is in deep waters. One of the reasons for this is the assumption for instance on the determinative importance of elections. In other words, for the political class holding an election equals democracy. This is far from true in our view. This is because the political class has hijacked the democratic process in Nigeria. In other words, a democratic process hijacked by the few for the benefit of the few is not the needed culture that is expected to translate into a system of regime change in the process of consolidation. Hence, the Nigerian democratic experiment has failed. If we might put forward the query: what is happening politically in Nigeria against the reality we find ourselves, the conclusion is thus: that the registration of parties, the conduct of elections and the swearing in of president, state governors, and members of the state and national assemblies do not translate into instituting democracy. Part of the lessons learnt therefore is that democratization cannot ensure peaceful coexistence, or generate a consensus without a conscious effort at instituting the principles of rule-order-relationship. In fact, democratizing in an unstable polity we have seen breeds violence, mistrust and political bickering. Although the political class and elites reiterate to Nigerians whenever they have the opportunity that they are interested in keeping Nigeria as one nation, their character and attitude within the political space presents a different picture. How then do we rescue the state called Nigeria from the hands of a cabalistic class? How do we eradicate the patronage and rent seeking systems that pervade the Nigerian political spectrum? It is our belief that the nature of the Nigerian state, which has the characteristics of an oligarchy, must be negotiated. The power centers - the state houses, and Aso Rock are quite attractive. Access to these places in Nigeria eventuates a transformation in (status and character) that bugs the normal mind. Furthermore, the use of taxpayers monies to perpetrate injustices is yet another characteristic of a decaying state. Monies are spent on frivolities such as attempts to impeach in some cases, induce and convince in other cases, in the purchase of expensive cars, and on foreign trips. These are the realities. A content analysis of news headlines within the domain of the Nigerian print and electronic media proves this assertion. We therefore recommend that the way forward for Nigeria is the facilitation of a "Political Stability Strategy" that would determine the kind of space for political competition, participation and civil and political liberties. Let this strategy evolve from all the stakeholders in Nigeria. What we have observed is that the problem with Nigeria is not just about managing our economy, it is about managing our political space. The murky waters of the Nigerian politics have impacted negatively on the economic and social spheres. It is a paradox that a country, which is the sixth largest producer of crude oil, which sells at least 2 million bpd at the international oil market, is one of poorest countries in the world. We need not look any further than the Nigerian political and elite class as the problem with Nigeria.   =============================================================================   Copyright © 2004 This Day. All rights reserved. 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