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Anambra Mayhem: Now Fight to Death

Vanguard (Lagos)
OPINION
December 9, 2004
Posted to the web December 9, 2004

By Paul Odili

There appears to be no letup in the political crisis that has engulfed Anambra
crisis since the aborted July 10th 2003, abduction of Governor Chris Ngige. The
estrangement between Ngige and his erstwhile political godfather Chief Chris
Uba, has defied every mediatory intervention. Till date there have been two
major peace talks, apart from a number of other small interventions: the Owerri
accord of January and the 16th November , peace talks initiated by the
President have achieved very little for all those who invested their energy and
resources into it.
The way matters stand at the moment, further talks will have very little impact
until one of the contending forces triumph over the other. In other climes
where there is a culture of give and take, compromise as a political weapon
stood a chance as a useable formula of conflict resolution. But in Nigeria with
a culture of zero-sum politics, any concession from one side is seen as a
defeat, and a loss to the other side, politics is a matter of life or death, a
fight to the death.
The mayhem of 10th and 13th November, 2004, where the state government owned
facilities like the state owned broadcasting service ( ABS), some parts of the
Governors office, the Deputy Governor's office, the office of Anambra
Independent Electoral Commission ( ANISEC) and more were destroyed by some
unknown arsonists, the 29th November attack on the Governor's entourage and,
the 1st December dynamiting of the Gov. Ngige lodge show that rubicon has been
crossed. Condemnable as all these attempts are, what it says is that the
political elements are losing patience with any other process of resolving
issues.
In plain language from the Uba perspective every deal is off, it is either Gov.
Ngige is forced out of power, that is he resigns, or he hangs in there to his
last breath. From the Ngige camp the attitude is simple: no more going back to
the pre-July 2003 status quo. Since we have won control of state power, we must
protect and use in the manner we deem, any other thing is akin to death.
Principally, the talks between Uba and Ngige following the arsonists'
attacks�-oe broke down over one principal element- Uba's demand that he be
appointed deputy governor. Of course Ngige refused, and that ended any further
useful peace initiatives. To have conceded to that demand would have
effectively ended the Ngige governorship of the state. If that vital concession
had been made it is cinch that the continued destabilisation of the state would
have ended, but would have marked a return to what happened in pre-July days,
when Ngige was in virtual captivity.
Still going by the murky terrain of Nigerian politics, it will be hasty to
conclude that the attempted assassination, including the bombing of Ngige's
residence could not have been engineered by a number of factors. It could have
been organized by forces opposed to Ngige's governorship, which want him out,
and have decided that matters must no longer linger, as has happened in the
last one year, with Ngige literally stealing the show. They could have resolved
that the strategy of firebombing government facilities, and the constant
assault on the psychology of Ngige would send him a clear message, that his
safety is not assured, thus sufficiently intimidating him into making vital
concessions. Or even quitting power. This would be the ultimate aim of those
opposed to him.
On the other hand, this whole assault following the breakdown of peace talks
could be the strategy of Ngige himself and his forces to build up further
public support and sympathy for themselves. That is, they orchestrate the
attacks on the Governor, either in the guise of an attempt at his entourage, or
the bombing of his residence, thus enraging the public, who will rally further
behind Ngige.
If this scenario has any validity, Anambra, is as a consequence kept constantly
on the public glare, and the Governor makes all the populists' postures, that
would help consolidate his power and his base with the people. Now in such a
situation the other group fighting Ngige is kept on the defensive, and would
not move any further than they had done.
It is also quite possible that the two camps reaching the same conclusions
might be instigating these latest crises. That is Uba forces undertaking these
initiatives, but calculating that it can always deny any involvement, blaming
the whole fiasco on Ngige as part of a ruse of getting at them. It is quite
plausible from a strategic point of view in a power game that the two camps
think along this line.
On the whole what is happening in Anambra has very little to do with the people
of the state, it is pure power struggle by a gang whose terms of association
has broken down. The Nigerian political class is degenerate and morally weak,
which is why an Ngige for instance could sign all kinds of terms of agreement,
and do anything to get into power. They know, and have formed a system of
frustrating able, honest and intelligent people from achieving political power,
because were such a people to gain power these band of degenerates would either
be absorbed or ousted from power. Thus, they throw in all sorts of subterfuge
to truncate the genuine aspiration of the more patriotically minded. The 2003
general election is one of such structures used to prevent able people to get
into office, and secondly to subvert the will of the people.
By the time Ngige got into office he knowingly signed some agreements, swore to
a shrine, and debased his manhood just to get into office. When he finally got
into power, he kept as far as he knew, all terms of the agreement. Matters blew
up when the inner caucus around Uba, jealous and distrustful of Ngige, coveted
his office and began to intrigue against him. The result was the botched
abduction of Ngige. With the estrangement and public humiliation of Ngige, the
Anambra Governor surviving decided to chart an independent track, and very
shortly found himself surrounded by another group of power brokers in the
state, who have since become his allies advising him. Indeed, it is scenarios
like this that Macus Garvey had in mind, when he lashed out at the Negro
political leaders.
" I would not exchange two five-cents of cigars-even though not a smoker-for
all the coloured and Negro political leaders, or rather mis-leaders, of our
time. The fraternity is heartless, crafty and corrupt. They exist for
themselves only, and give no honest thought to the future, nor the condition of
the people, except to exploit the said condition to their political benefit.
Among us Negroes, there is no relief from such a class, because they monopolise
our politics and obstruct our outlook. The only tempering hope is religion, and
that is like dry bones, we have to wait a long while for them to come together
in the valley." ( Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey).
The anger that Garvey expressed is quite apt today in Nigeria. So, when the
argument is made that Anambra was not the only place where election was dirty,
or that Ngige must be allowed to function effectively as governor pending when
the election petition rules otherwise. However, the premise of this line of
thought is faulty and cannot possibly stand the pressure of a vigorous
scrutiny. To begin with, Nigerians ought to be outraged that their sovereign
right to freely choose leaders were brazenly aborted by a cabal, whether Ngige
or anybody else.
Because just as some governors may not face the situation of being harassed by
their godfathers, those not facing this ordeal are not known to have performed
either. Attempt at the last general election in 2003 to replace non-performing
public officers failed, because politicians refused to play by the rules. Since
getting back into office they have acted in a manner that shows they do not
feel accountable to the people. Thus, the people are shortchanged in other
ways. In fact that Uba and Ngige are feuding is a good thing, because it serves
to remind the people that the political system in Anambra is illegitimate and
an aberration, and should help mobilise them to insist on a more transparent
and credible system of electing leaders.
But more pressing is the fact that Ngige unlike say, other southeast governors
did not rig election for himself, rather he depended on Uba to do that for him.
Ngige had neither the resources, the contact nor the structures to win office
for himself, which Uba had even if illegally deployed. So, if for instance
other governors got into power depending on their resources, even if ill
gotten, Ngige had no such claim to make. That is a major factor in the ongoing
saga.
The other thing that is often said is that it is an Igbo problem, and can only
happen in Igbo land. If it is, then it is a good one. But it is not. That the
Anambra problem has broken out underlies the deeper problem of the Nigerian
political system, which thrives on, graft, blackmail and propaganda. It would
have been an Igbo problem if what is happening was a violation of the free
mandate given by the people to Ngige; however, since a process of subversion
had already taken place last year, it is incongruous for the same people to
come out in defence of the system of enslavement and corruption. This argument
holds in spite of the Ngige mandate being subject to challenge before an
election petition tribunal, a determination of which would decide the fate of
the Anambra Governor. The court action is a legal issue, while there is a moral
burden over how the mandate to govern was obtained.
The response of the people demonstrates in several ways their appreciation of
the issues. Therefore, there is nothing to be embarrassed about being Igbo, or
from Anambra that such a drama is playing out. Rather if the turmoil in Anambra
is properly utilised it should raise the question of legitimacy, and the
viability of the present system. The on-going crisis could actually, in a back
handed way, help to awaken the people politically, such that the battle cry
from the people would be, never again would they allow upstarts and usurpers to
seize the state and decided the political future of the people. If that
happens, then Anambra will become the symbol of a renaissance that has been
much delayed in the country, until then the struggle for domination and control
will continue.

   

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