[images//media.fastclick.net/w/get.media?sid=7943&m=1&tp=5&d=s&c=1]
HOME
[allAfrica.com]
United_States_Senate (Washington, DC)
****** Sudan: Statement of Mohammed Ahmed Eisa Before Hearing on Sudan ******
Mohammed Ahmed Eisa
30 July 2009
===============================================================================
document
Washington, DC — Statement of Mohammed Ahmed Eisa, M.D. 2007 Robert F. Kennedy
Human Rights Award Laureate, Sudan Organization for Rights and Peace-Building
before the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee, July 30, 2009:
I would like to thank the Committee and particularly Senator Kerry and Senator
Lugar for the opportunity to appear here today and to speak about the
conditions in Darfur and my hope for peace.
BACKGROUND
I was born and raised in Darfur and have lived in Darfur for most of my life. I
am a medical doctor and also serve as a professor of medicine at Al-Fashir
University in Darfur in Sudan. I received my medical degree from the University
of Khartoum Medical School in Sudan in 1976 and I am a specialist in internal
medicine.
I am of the Fur tribe, the largest of the African tribes of Darfur and I am
also a community leader in Darfur. In this capacity, I have addressed major
community problems in Darfur and have engaged in peace negotiations on behalf
of people in Darfur for the past 20 years, since 1989.
In preparing for this hearing, I spoke and consulted with many Darfuris on the
ground and in the Diaspora as well as leaders of Sudanese civil society groups.
Many of their views are represented in this statement.
In the interest of time, I will only focus on a few key issues facing Darfur.
However, I welcome questions on other areas not covered in my testimony. Today,
my testimony will focus on the humanitarian situation on the ground,
particularly in the Internally Displaced (IDP) camps, the targeting of local
civil society leaders, and the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed
between North and South Darfur. Finally, I will share my recommendations for
the United States Government.
SITUATION ON THE GROUND
Humanitarian Conditions and Situation in the Camps
When the genocide in Darfur erupted in 2003, I was living in Darfur and have
lived there ever since. I personally have provided medical treatment to
hundreds of civilians injured as a result of the conflict. The injuries have
been in various forms: gun-shot wounds, rape, torture, beatings and other forms
of violence.
From 2004 - 2007, I worked as the Director of Medical Treatment at the Amel
Center for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture (the Amel
Center) in Darfur. The Amel Center provided medical and psycho-social services
to victims of rape and torture and also documented human rights abuses taking
place in Darfur. Most of the cases referred to the Amel Center were from the
camps. I regularly treated several victims of rape, torture and other forms of
violence on a daily basis. The victims comprised men, women and children and
they ranged in age from a boy of 3 years old to an elderly man who was 80 years
old. The Amel Center was the only organization on the ground providing medical
treatment and psycho-social services to victims of rape and torture.
Many of the civilians who fled their homes as a result of the conflict live in
camps in Darfur and Chad. I visited several of the camps in the Darfur area,
and worked mainly in three of them: Kalma, Dreij and Otash in Southern Darfur,
providing health care services to the men, women and children living there.
There are more women than men living in these camps. A typical camp is composed
of about 65% females; 25% children and 10% men, mostly elderly. 30% of children
under the age of five in these camps are malnourished. Since the escalation of
the conflict in 2003, several of the women and girls living in these camps have
been raped and subjected to other forms of sexual harassment. Reports of
threats of violence and rape in these camps persist today. In June this year,
two girls from Hamdya Camp in West Darfur were attacked, raped and beaten by
six janjaweed militia. On the same day, another girl from Abusorroge Camp in
West Darfur was kidnapped by armed men in military uniforms. In July this year
there have been four cases of rapes in Nyretti Camp in West Darfur. Also in
July, an elderly man was killed, and four children were slaughtered in Tawila
Camp in North Darfur, by the janjaweed militia. Four young men from Abokaro
Camp were also killed by the janjaweed militia when they left the camp to
collect firewood and straw.
The expulsion on 9 March 2009 of 16 aid organizations (13 international and 3
national) by the government following the issuance of the arrest warrant for
President al-Bashir by the International Criminal Court (ICC) has worsened the
deplorable humanitarian conditions in camps in Darfur. Reports from my fellow
community leaders on the ground indicate that as of June 2009, no one was
providing health care services in Kalma and only two organizations were
supplying food there. Kalma is one of the largest camps in Darfur with a
population of about 100,000 people. Shadad Camp in Northern Darfur, which
previously received food and water supply from the expelled organizations, is
also experiencing a severe shortage of food and water supply.
The rainy season in Darfur which normally lasts from June to September poses
serious challenges for humanitarian workers providing aid to the Darfuri people
in the camps. Even with a full complement of aid organizations providing health
services, health problems generally increase during the rainy season. As pit
latrines become flooded during this period, there is an increased incidence of
diseases, such as diarrhea and cholera. During this month of July, there have
already been three reported cases of cholera in displaced camps in Nyala in
Southern Darfur. There are no good roads leading to the camps; there are only
feeder or dirt roads. During the rainy season these roads become flooded,
making it difficult to access the camps. Conditions such as these will place
heavy constraints on the remaining aid organizations on the ground or on any
new agency at this stage given that the rains have already started.
As we know, in March 2009, the Sudanese government expelled 16 humanitarian
organizations, including my former organization, the Amel Center. The shut-down
of the Amel Center in essence means there is no organization on the ground
providing both medical treatment and psycho-social support to women and girls
who are victims of rape or to victims of torture.
Although the government has allowed a few aid organizations to return to
Darfur, reports from my colleagues on the ground indicate that the
organizations have not yet started operations in the camps as a result of
lengthy bureaucratic processes locally. Thus the sufferings in the camps
continue.
In addition to the problems within the camps, there are long-term problems in
West Darfur which need to be addressed today. Supported by the Sudanese
Government, newcomers, from Chad and Mali, are settling on land belonging to
the displaced African groups who now live in the camps. Even if conditions
finally improve in Darfur and people are able to return home to their villages,
they will have nothing to return to and nowhere to go. Any solution for peace
must seriously address these issues.
Finally, the continued and prolonged existence of Darfuris in the camps
contributes to a serious deprivation of the educational rights of Darfuris.
Educational facilities are lacking in the camps. Even before the conflict, the
education level of Darfuris lagged far behind that of other groups in Sudan,
due to the limited number of schools in Darfur, compared to the rest of the
country. The enrollment of Darfur children in elementary school, for instance,
was only 40%, compared to 90% in North Sudan State. The limited education in
the camps will stunt the educational development of Darfuris, denying them
access to positions in key sectors in the country.
Targeting of Civil Society and Local Activists and Organizations
Those of us who try to address the deplorable conditions in Darfur that I just
outlined, face constant intimidation by authorities of the Sudanese Government.
In late 2008, we became aware that our operations at the Amel Center were no
longer secure as information was being leaked to the Government, thus
endangering the lives of the survivors of the Government-sponsored violence.
Six of us from the Amel Center therefore started the Sudanese Organization for
Rights and Peace Building (Sudanese Organization).
The Sudanese Organization provided legal support for those whose rights had
been violated, such as victims of illegal arrest and detention and police
brutality, and also provided support to victims of rape and torture. In late
October/early November 2008, three of my colleagues, including one who held a
British passport, were arrested and detained for about three weeks. The holder
of the British passport was spared physical abuse; however, the other two
Sudanese were severely beaten to the extent that one of them sustained broken
ribs. My three colleagues placed in solitary confinement and denied access to
lawyers and visits, even from family members. The incident forced my colleagues
and I to keep a low profile.
On March 9, 2009, during my absence from Darfur, national security officers
went to the hospital where I worked and to my house looking for me. They
enquired about my whereabouts and conducted a search of my home. Fortunately,
they took nothing from my house and no one in my household was harmed. On that
same day, the national security forces also went looking for Massad Mohamed,
Director General of the Sudanese Organization. They went to his home, but did
not find him; when they left Massad’s home, they left with his brand new car.
Personally, I fear that if I return home I will be arrested. The five of my
other colleagues who ran the Sudanese Organization with me have also left
Darfur and fear for their lives should they return. In effect, this means that
the Sudanese Organization is no longer functional and victims of crimes and
Government abuse are left without much needed support services.
The Government of Sudan has also prevented civil society groups from traveling
outside of Sudan to participate in peace-building efforts. In May 2009, about
300 people representing different groups of civil society members in Darfur
were to travel to Addis Ababa in Ethiopia to meet with other civil society
groups in the Diaspora to formulate a unified vision for peace. The Government
denied exit visas for these members of civil society. As a result, the meeting
in Addis Ababa never took place.
United Nations/African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID)
The presence of UNAMID forces has not stemmed the violence in Darfur due to
lack of adequate manpower and equipment. From the inception, UNAMID has lacked
sufficient number of troops, logistical supplies, including critical aviation
capabilities and communication equipment, rendering it feeble to stem violence
in the region of Darfur. The Security Council Resolution authorized 26,000
troops, but only about 17,000 have been deployed. The required number of
helicopters has also not been provided, and with Ethiopia’s pledge to deliver
five in October, a shortage of 19 still remains. An empowered UNAMID will
result in effective partnerships with local village police who can be trained
to help provide additional security. It will also increase the effectiveness of
UNAMID troops in protecting the camps and enable them to assist with the
voluntary return of the civilians in the camps back to their homes when
conditions in Darfur improve. However, as long as the janjaweed militia remains
armed and UNAMID is inadequately manned and equipped, the prospect of people
returning home from the camps remains unrealistic.
The people of Darfur continue to suffer and there seems to be no end in sight.
There is an urgent need for peace in Darfur. We are counting on the United
States, as a world leader, to play a key role to bring about peace in Darfur
and in Sudan.
COMPREHENSIVE PEACE AGREEMENT
The United States and the international community has focused a great deal of
attention on the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed in 2005. I welcome
the CPA and the international attention on the agreement, as do many people in
Darfur. It provides a framework to bring about the necessary changes that must
occur to effectively address the root causes of the problems in Sudan as a
whole and has relevant application to the conflict in Darfur as well. Although
the CPA does not address the issue of accountability and issues unique to the
Darfur conflict, such as land re-settlement, it nevertheless encompasses many
of the principles that we in Darfur want: freedom of religion; equality of all
Sudanese citizens; the right to one’s own cultural identity, etc.
However, a number of provisions called for in the CPA, such as the review and
amendments of national laws to make them compatible with the CPA agreement and
the 2005 interim constitution of Sudan, have to date not been implemented.
Further, the result of the 2008 census conducted pursuant to the CPA has been
rejected by stakeholders in Southern Sudan and Darfur. We in Darfur and South
Sudan are of the view that the census does not reflect the true population of
the people of Southern Sudan and is less than the actual number of Southern
Sudanese people. These issues must all be resolved within the shortest delay.
Failure to do so would have disastrous consequences for the elections scheduled
for 2010 and ultimately for the 2011 referendum. The people of Darfur are
closely watching the implementation process of the CPA and with keen interest.
If the CPA is successfully implemented, it will be a major sign of hope for
peace settlement in Darfur. However, if it fails, it will threaten the
prospects of peace in Darfur.
It must be emphasized that the situation in Darfur presents pressing needs
which must first be addressed before some of the provisions of the CPA,
elections, for instance, can be effectively implemented. There must be peace
first, before elections are conducted. Further, a sizeable number of the Darfur
population lives outside of Darfur as refugees. Without peace, their
participation in an election is severely restricted, if not completely
impossible.
Solutions to the conflict in Sudan must take into account all of the above
factors which threaten to weaken peace. I would like to outline some
recommendations to the United States for sustainable peace in Darfur.
RECOMMENDATIONS
(1) The U.S. should urge the Government of Sudan to allow the return and
functioning of the 16 humanitarian organizations expelled in March 2009 and
remove the bureaucratic red-tape which is preventing the few aid organizations
in Darfur from commencing operations.
(2) The U.S. should ensure the inclusion of civil society groups, including
representatives from the leadership of the displaced and refugees and women
organizations in any peace process. The Government of Sudan should provide
requisite documents for international travel and permit civil society
organizations to participate in peace-building activities.
(3) As a key player in the peace process, the U.S. should call for the timely
implementation of provisions called for in the CPA such as the review and
amendments of national laws, in particular national security laws and laws
guaranteeing freedom of press, in accordance with the CPA agreement and the
2005 interim constitution of Sudan.
(4) The U.S., through the Security Council, should take measures to strengthen
the joint United Nations/African Union peace keeping force, UNAMID.
(5) The U.S., working with the Security Council, should demand that the
Government of Sudan fulfill its commitment to disarm the janjaweed militias,
pursuant to Security Council Resolution 1556 adopted on 30 July 2004.
Copyright © 2009 United States Senate. All rights reserved. Distributed by
AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com).
===============================================================================
[200907300969_files/357.gif]
[200907300969_files/blank.gif]
[200907300969_files/357.gif]
[200907300969_files/blank.gif]
[Click_Here]
   [Quantcast]